To je sad dok traje rat. Šta će biti kad ja završi ,kako će živjeti ljudi ,od čega ???
Okrenut će se protiv vlasti.
Gledaj širu sliku zemljak !!!!
Jasno je to meni, zato sam i prokomentarisao… Ili namjerno u svrhu propagande ili retardiranost posebne klase pa da nosis sve ove dokumente u borbu…bh.tornjak wrote: ↑06/04/2026 18:22esso_sa wrote: ↑06/04/2026 18:04 Na onim slikama skrsenih aviona se vidi dobro suha zemlja i kamenje, tipicna pustinja, pa mi nesto prica o zaglavljivanju u blatu ne pije vode… Osim da su se zaglavili u neki pijesak, sto mi isto nema smisla…
I ko ostavlja sve licne dokumente u avionu koji potom samounisti? Pasosi, kartice, licne karte… Ko to na liniju nosi sve ove dokumente?
nemali broj pasosa i licnih dokumenata je prezivilo desetine „teroristickih akcija“… sve s razlogom
bosanski__ wrote: ↑06/04/2026 18:37
To je sad dok traje rat. Šta će biti kad ja završi ,kako će živjeti ljudi ,od čega ???
Okrenut će se protiv vlasti.
Gledaj širu sliku zemljak !!!!
Zivjece od nafte, gasa, proizvodnje celika... Kina ce im ekonomski pomoci 100% jer joj prijeko treba Iran (nafta).bosanski__ wrote: ↑06/04/2026 18:37To je sad dok traje rat. Šta će biti kad ja završi ,kako će živjeti ljudi ,od čega ???
Okrenut će se protiv vlasti.
Gledaj širu sliku zemljak !!!!

https://archive.is/UpE2M#selection-1787.0-1799.275The Iran War Just Broke the Petrodollar
The virtuous loop that has seen America underwrite stability in the Middle East in exchange for Gulf states recycling their dollar revenues into US Treasuries has been broken.
The understanding traces back to 1974, when Henry Kissinger struck one of the most consequential financial deals in modern history. Saudi Arabia would price its oil in dollars and park the surpluses in US assets — Treasuries above all. Other Gulf states followed. In exchange, America provided security guarantees and a stable global order.
The arrangement was elegant in its circularity: Oil consumers paid dollars for energy, those dollars flowed to Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, and from there back into Washington’s debt. For 50 years, this petrodollar loop quietly subsidized American borrowing costs and cemented the greenback’s role as the world’s reserve currency.
The US-Israeli war with Iran has fractured this arrangement — at both ends.
Start with the importing side. Since the strike on Iran on Feb. 28, foreign central banks have been net sellers of Treasuries for five consecutive weeks. Holdings at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York have dropped by roughly $82 billion to $2.7 trillion, the lowest level since 2012.
The 10-year Treasury yield, rather than falling on safe-haven demand as it has in every major recent crisis, climbed from 3.9% at the end of February to above 4.4% within weeks. The rates desk at Bank of America Corp. offered a dry summary: “Foreign official sectors are selling US Treasury bonds.”
The mechanism is straightforward. Turkey, India, Thailand and other oil-importing nations are caught in a brutal arithmetic: Oil priced in dollars has surged past $100 a barrel while their currencies weaken against the greenback. To limit depreciation — which would push domestic oil prices even higher, forcing either fiscal subsidies or household pain — central banks intervene in currency markets. That requires dollars. The most liquid dollar asset any central bank holds is Treasuries. So they sell.
This is not without precedent. Foreign central banks sold a record $109 billion in Treasuries during the Covid-19 panic of March 2020. But that episode resolved quickly. The Fed deployed dollar swap lines, calm returned and the money flowed back within weeks. The flight-to-quality instinct was temporarily scrambled but structurally intact.
Every other major crisis since — Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, China’s saber-rattling against Taiwan in August 2022, the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in March 2023 and the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks on Israel — sent money into Treasuries, not out of them. Yields fell. The playbook worked.
Now consider the exporting side — and why the Iran war is categorically different from all those episodes.
In a normal oil shock, rising prices generate rising revenues for Gulf producers. Petrodollars flow back into dollar-denominated assets, including Treasuries. High oil prices have historically been, paradoxically, supportive of the Treasury market. The shock creates the surplus that generates demand for the bonds.
This time, Gulf producers can’t get their oil out. The Strait of Hormuz closure has stranded their barrels along with everyone else’s.
Gulf states including Kuwait, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the UAE collectively cut production by at least 10 million barrels per day in March. Saudi Arabia and the UAE can export reduced volumes through alternative pipelines. But those routes handle only about a quarter of normal Strait throughput at full capacity, and they are under active Iranian drone and missile threat. Qatar declared force majeure on exports of liquified natural gas after strikes on its Ras Laffan facility. The Gulf Cooperation Council’s economic model — export hydrocarbons, recycle into global assets — has effectively seized up.
The petrodollar loop requires two moving parts: dollars earned and dollars invested. Both have stopped.
The numbers on the exporting side make this concrete. Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the UAE had a combined holding of about $300 billion in Treasuries as of January. These countries are now simultaneously earning less oil revenue, spending heavily on air defense and reviewing the investment pledges they made to Washington just months ago. A Gulf official told the Financial Times that several of the region’s largest economies are examining whether force majeure clauses apply to existing investment commitments, including to the US. Gulf sovereign wealth funds are big investors in US assets. The direction of travel is now uncertain in a way it has not been in decades.
There is a longer structural story that the war is accelerating rather than creating. The share of Treasuries held by foreign investors had already fallen to around 32%, down from half in the early 2010s. Central banks became net sellers in early 2025. For the first time since 1996, global central banks now hold more gold in aggregate than US government bonds. These were slow-moving trends, easy to dismiss as noise. The Iran war is making them look like signal.
The standard reassurance is that there is no alternative to Treasuries — no other market offers the depth, liquidity and legal infrastructure that central banks require. This remains true. Foreign central banks will not abandon Treasuries wholesale. But “no realistic alternative” and “unquestioned safe haven” are not the same thing, and the Iran war is clarifying the difference.
The flight-to-quality trade has always rested on a political premise: That in a global crisis, the United States is a stabilizer or bystander, not a combatant. But the calculus changes when the US itself is the belligerent; when the conflict is partly America’s war, driving the oil shock, straining Gulf relationships, and generating the fiscal pressure that has bond investors worried about US budget deficits. Not completely. Not permanently. But enough.
Kissinger’s 1974 deal held through the Cold War, the Gulf Wars, the financial crisis and a pandemic. It has not survived this. The petrodollar loop was always a political arrangement dressed in financial clothing. Now that the politics have changed, the finance is following.
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hahahahahahazigzag wrote: ↑06/04/2026 19:20 https://biznis.ba/vijesti/evropa/cijena ... tru/103827
Jel se ovi naši računaju u novinare.
Njima je ovo iračko-iranski rat![]()
Mene ubjedjivali danima da su Iranci samo gladni i da zato ubijaju svoje policajce
Vec sutra ujutro bh Tuzilastvo salje US ambasadi protestnu notu pred tuzbu po:
Suljagic je vec ranije poslao i notu i tuzbu Kabirijevcima zbog elemenata genocida njihove vlade.Izazivanje nacionalne, rasne i vjerske mržnje, razdora i netrpeljivosti
Član 145a
(1) Ko javno izaziva ili raspiruje nacionalnu, rasnu ili vjersku mržnju, razdor ili netrpeljivost među konstitutivnim narodima i ostalima, kao i drugima koji žive ili borave u Bosni i Hercegovini, kazniće se kaznom zatvora od tri mjeseca do tri godine.
(2) Ko javno podstrekne na nasilje ili mržnju usmjerenu protiv grupe osoba ili člana grupe određene s obzirom na rasu, boju kože, vjeroispovijest, porijeklo ili nacionalnu ili etničku pripadnost, ako takvo ponašanje ne predstavlja krivično djelo iz stava (1) ovog člana, kazniće se kaznom zatvora od tri mjeseca do tri godine.
(3) Ko javno odobri, porekne, grubo umanji ili pokuša opravdati zločin genocida, zločin protiv čovječnosti ili ratni zločin utvrđen pravosnažnom presudom u skladu s Poveljom Međunarodnog vojnog suda pridruženom uz Londonski sporazum od 8. avgusta 1945. ili Međunarodnog krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju ili Međunarodnog krivičnog suda ili suda u Bosni i Hercegovini, a usmjereno je protiv grupe lica ili člana grupe određene s obzirom na rasu, boju kože, vjeroispovijest, porijeklo ili nacionalnu ili etničku pripadnost, i to na način koji bi mogao potaknuti na nasilje ili mržnju usmjerenu protiv takve grupe lica ili člana takve grupe, kazniće se kaznom zatvora od šest mjeseci do pet godina.
Eh sad je onda jasno o cemu se radi.
Okrenuse li se kod nas protiv vlasti...? Igdje?bosanski__ wrote: ↑06/04/2026 18:37To je sad dok traje rat. Šta će biti kad ja završi ,kako će živjeti ljudi ,od čega ???
Okrenut će se protiv vlasti.
Gledaj širu sliku zemljak !!!!