Ukrajina

[lajkujMe]

Masala





Sto je najjace osvojili su je ali toliko su je razorili da nema vise zaklona i sad je nicija zemlja ni jedni ni drugi nemaju prisustvo u njoj

[pici]

Na jugu se vode borbe za poluotok Kinburski.Ukri desantnim camcima presli uzeli selo Herojske i vode se zastoke borbe, Ukri ako uzmu taj poluotok, eto ih sazada s druge strane Djepra.

Jako važna bitka s vojnog gledišta
U slučaju da ukrajinske snage uspiju ovladati Kinburnskim poluotokom i zadržati ga, bila bi to, gledano isključivo s vojnog stajališta, pobjeda veća od oslobađanja grada Hersona. Jer oslobađanjem Hersona ukrajinske su snage došle na desnu obalu Dnjepra, a oslobađanjem Kinburnskog poluotoka prešle bi na južnu stranu Dnjeparskog zaljeva i samim tim dodatno ugrozile ruske položaje na lijevoj obali Dnjepra. Ukrajinske jedinice ušle bi u prostor za koji je rusko zapovjedništvo tvrdilo da će biti zaštićen od napada i siguran.

Doduše, Kinburnski poluotok nije odveć pogodan da se na njega nagomilaju snage koje bi onda izvršile prodor na istok, ali Ukrajinci mogu tamo dopremiti solidnu količinu artiljerije koja će ugrožavati lijevi bok ruskih snaga koje brane lijevu obalu Dnjepra. U svakom slučaju, ukrajinske snage na Kinburnskom poluotoku na sebe bi vezale značajnu količinu ruskih jedinica koje su prvotno bile određene da brane lijevu obalu Dnjepra.

Uostalom, rusko povlačenje iz hersonskog džepa bilo je prije svega motivirano željom da se tamošnjih 30 tisuća vojnika prerasporedi na bojišta u Luhansku i Donjecku. Ako ih budu morali vraćati na bojište u Hersonskoj oblasti, bit će to ogroman neuspjeh.

Ništa manje važna je i činjenica da će Ukrajinci imati pod nadzorom prostor s kojeg su ruske snage dronovima kamikazama napadale i Mikolajiv i Odesu. S Kinburnske prevlake ruske su snage izravno nadzirale pristup luci Očakiv i Dnjeparskom zaljevu te ukrajinskoj sjevernoj crnomorskoj obali.

Karanana to je onaj spic dole sto si pitao jesul rusi tude.Izgleda da vise nisu.

[mishic]

Nema vatre, nema dima, drhte Ruje pred Ukrima,
Zemlja smrzla, mraz do kosti steže, svud okolo mrtvi Rusi leže,
Putler ne da nazad u Rusiju, Ukrajinci naprijed legli za busiju,
Iznad glava dronovi se čuju i granate u rov ubacuju,
Oko svakog rova poginulih Rusa ko glavica od kupusa,
Ni molitva više ne pomaže dok promrzli smrt od Boga traže,
Teška zima tek dolazi a Putler se više ne snalazi,
Sto hiljada obećava žrtvovati i ne pita šta će čija reći mati,
Sto hiljada Putler naumio al se čini da je nešto ofulio,
Toliko je i bez zime žrtvovao pa će biti da to nije ubrojao,
Na kraju će ipak uz tu svotu pridodati poraz i sramotu,
A sloboda Ukrajine heroine potaći će narode i zemlje ine,
Da odluče reći, milom ili silom, zbogom diktatoru Putine!

[splinter]

[AliceInChains]

Zašto Rusi tek sad gađaju električnu mrežu i dali je to priprema za veći napad?

1. Da nesto i oni uniste
2. Skontali da njima ta mreza nece trebati, jer od osvajanja Ukrajine - nema nista
3. El. mreza se ne mice, pa je to lako pogoditi

Znaci, u zadnja dva mjeseca su ispalili preko 200 projektila ciljano na infrastrukturu čisto radi osvete? Ili možda, slučajno otkad im je zapad preko Zelenskija dao do znanja da pregovori tek dolaze u obzir nakon de fakto potpune kapitulacije?

Neki vojni analitičari tvrde da je to razlog sto sad teze brutalnom i neograničenom silom riješiti konflikt.

Može biti da su apsolutno glupi, ali ce ipak vrijeme pokazati.

Jedino sto se meni čini: Rusi su trenutno daleko od kapitulacije.

[GandalfSivi]

Nije to kapitulacija, to je stratesko povlacenje, korak po korak sve manje Ukrajine okupiraju…

[SanskiBiser]

Nema vatre, nema dima, drhte Ruje pred Ukrima,
Zemlja smrzla, mraz do kosti steže, svud okolo mrtvi Rusi leže,
Putler ne da nazad u Rusiju, Ukrajinci naprijed legli za busiju,
Iznad glava dronovi se čuju i granate u rov ubacuju,
Oko svakog rova poginulih Rusa ko glavica od kupusa,
Ni molitva više ne pomaže dok promrzli smrt od Boga traže,
Teška zima tek dolazi a Putler se više ne snalazi,
Sto hiljada obećava žrtvovati i ne pita šta će čija reći mati,
Sto hiljada Putler naumio al se čini da je nešto ofulio,
Toliko je i bez zime žrtvovao pa će biti da to nije ubrojao,
Na kraju će ipak uz tu svotu pridodati poraz i sramotu,
A sloboda Ukrajine heroine potaći će narode i zemlje ine,
Da odluče reći, milom ili silom, zbogom diktatoru Putine!

znaci nakon guslarski parodicnih uradaka na temi sad konacno imamo nesto za uz saz - ali ne obicni vec trovrati

[AliceInChains]

Nije to kapitulacija, to je stratesko povlacenje, korak po korak sve manje Ukrajine okupiraju…

Nazovi to kako hoćeš, izgubljene bitke, Istorija nije ispisana, Ukrajinci još nisu dobili rat.

Stvara se dojam kroz propagandu da samo Rusi ginu, da isključivo strada ruska krhka tehnologija/ oprema, sto jednostavno ne štima.

Šta se vojne opreme tiče, Ukrajinci su imali i dosta sreće sto su im bivše varšavske republike dostavili bas dosta tog ‘smeća’.

Ne vjerujem da bivši general Petr. dovodi u igru koaliciju voljnih ili sto je prvi gen. SAD-a Milley nakon bitke za Herson otvoreno propagirao, da je sad dobar trenutak za pregovore, samo sto bi ‘navukli’ Ruse.

[lajkujMe]

1. Da nesto i oni uniste
2. Skontali da njima ta mreza nece trebati, jer od osvajanja Ukrajine - nema nista
3. El. mreza se ne mice, pa je to lako pogoditi

Znaci, u zadnja dva mjeseca su ispalili preko 200 projektila ciljano na infrastrukturu čisto radi osvete? Ili možda, slučajno otkad im je zapad preko Zelenskija dao do znanja da pregovori tek dolaze u obzir nakon de fakto potpune kapitulacije?

Neki vojni analitičari tvrde da je to razlog sto sad teze brutalnom i neograničenom silom riješiti konflikt.

Može biti da su apsolutno glupi, ali ce ipak vrijeme pokazati.

Jedino sto se meni čini: Rusi su trenutno daleko od kapitulacije.

Ukrajinska politika i obavjestajna smatraju da Rusi ovim unistavanjem pokusavaju pod

a) natjerati UA civile na ocaj ne bi li se okrenuli protiv rata i izvrsili pritisak na Zelenskog da potpise dejton

b)izvrsiti toliku stetu da Zapad u nemogucnosti da finansira dalje izvrsi pritisak na Zelenskog da potpise Dejton


Ovo je jedan od pokusaju da to ostvare
Rusima treba predah pod svaku cijenu

[AliceInChains]

Znaci, u zadnja dva mjeseca su ispalili preko 200 projektila ciljano na infrastrukturu čisto radi osvete? Ili možda, slučajno otkad im je zapad preko Zelenskija dao do znanja da pregovori tek dolaze u obzir nakon de fakto potpune kapitulacije?

Neki vojni analitičari tvrde da je to razlog sto sad teze brutalnom i neograničenom silom riješiti konflikt.

Može biti da su apsolutno glupi, ali ce ipak vrijeme pokazati.

Jedino sto se meni čini: Rusi su trenutno daleko od kapitulacije.

Ukrajinska politika i obavjestajna smatraju da Rusi ovim unistavanjem pokusavaju pod

a) natjerati UA civile na ocaj ne bi li se okrenuli protiv rata i izvrsili pritisak na Zelenskog da potpise dejton

b)izvrsiti toliku stetu da Zapad u nemogucnosti da finansira dalje izvrsi pritisak na Zelenskog da potpise Dejton


Ovo je jedan od pokusaju da to ostvare
Rusima treba predah pod svaku cijenu

Hvala, prvi konkretan odgovor.

[zilog]

1. Da nesto i oni uniste
2. Skontali da njima ta mreza nece trebati, jer od osvajanja Ukrajine - nema nista
3. El. mreza se ne mice, pa je to lako pogoditi

Znaci, u zadnja dva mjeseca su ispalili preko 200 projektila ciljano na infrastrukturu čisto radi osvete? Ili možda, slučajno otkad im je zapad preko Zelenskija dao do znanja da pregovori tek dolaze u obzir nakon de fakto potpune kapitulacije?

Neki vojni analitičari tvrde da je to razlog sto sad teze brutalnom i neograničenom silom riješiti konflikt.

Može biti da su apsolutno glupi, ali ce ipak vrijeme pokazati.

Jedino sto se meni čini: Rusi su trenutno daleko od kapitulacije.

Sta kazu "analiticari", je li nekad slabija strana, a Rusi su trenutno slabija strana u Ukrajini (zli jezici kazu i u Rusiji ), "brutalnom i neograničenom silom", uspjela rijesiti konflikt? Jesmo li se mi predali, kada se nas gadjali modifikovanim bombama? Jesu li se Britanci predali, kada su padale V1 i V2?

Rusi ne moraju kapitulirati. Dovoljno je da "nestanu" iz Ukrajine, kao iz Hersona, da odu u Mordor i pocnu decenijsku mitolosku mantru o velikoj "pobedi na Kos...", pardon - u Ukrajini.

[japin_mutapi]

pocrkce rusisti od zime u rovovima - pojavice se ubrzo masa snimaka

kako nazvati te snimke - smrzavanje bup?

[GandalfSivi]

Nije to kapitulacija, to je stratesko povlacenje, korak po korak sve manje Ukrajine okupiraju…

Nazovi to kako hoćeš, izgubljene bitke, Istorija nije ispisana, Ukrajinci još nisu dobili rat.

Stvara se dojam kroz propagandu da samo Rusi ginu, da isključivo strada ruska krhka tehnologija/ oprema, sto jednostavno ne štima.

Šta se vojne opreme tiče, Ukrajinci su imali i dosta sreće sto su im bivše varšavske republike dostavili bas dosta tog ‘smeća’.

Ne vjerujem da bivši general Petr. dovodi u igru koaliciju voljnih ili sto je prvi gen. SAD-a Milley nakon bitke za Herson otvoreno propagirao, da je sad dobar trenutak za pregovore, samo sto bi ‘navukli’ Ruse.

Ukrajina jos nije dobila rat, ali ga je Rusija izgubila tri dana nakon pocetka agresije. Od mokrih snova da ce uspostaviti kontrolu nad bivsim istocnim blokom, do surove realnosti da su ujedinili zapad kao niko, da ih i u Ukrajini koja je trebala biti samo prvi, brzi korak lupaju kao nikoga…

[zilog]

pocrkce rusisti od zime u rovovima - pojavice se ubrzo masa snimaka

kako nazvati te snimke - smrzavanje bup?

Brrrrup

[Peacean]

Chris Cappy sa Task & Purpose kanala objavio intervju onog srpskog snajperiste ali je dostupan samo za članove kanala, pa kome ne smeta da plati a interesuje ga neka pogleda.

[Bernardinac]

Spoiler

Show

Dobro kaže Thomas,
Zima uzima danak nad promrzlim okupatorskim rašistima, kojih će više stradati od smrzavanja nego što ih je do sada poginulo. Na mnogim snimcima udara dronova promzli i polumrtvi nesretnici se govtovo i ne pomjere kao da su hipnotisani i drogirani u polukomi.

Hipotermija uzima danak.

Yup, iscrpljenost, glad i nedostatak dobre zimske odjece i obuce na temp. ispod nule brzo uspava, nakon cega nasupi "bijela smrt".

Rusi su alkoholičarska nacija. Kada spojiš alkohol sa ratom i zimom, dobiješ koktel smrti.
Koliko će njih pijanih izaći na pišanje iz rova i neće se vratiti. Past će i neće moći ustati i za sat dva, smrt.
Njegova pijana ekipa neće ni skužit da ga nema.

[SanskiBiser]

Nije to kapitulacija, to je stratesko povlacenje, korak po korak sve manje Ukrajine okupiraju…

Nazovi to kako hoćeš, izgubljene bitke, Istorija nije ispisana, Ukrajinci još nisu dobili rat.

Stvara se dojam kroz propagandu da samo Rusi ginu, da isključivo strada ruska krhka tehnologija/ oprema, sto jednostavno ne štima.

Šta se vojne opreme tiče, Ukrajinci su imali i dosta sreće sto su im bivše varšavske republike dostavili bas dosta tog ‘smeća’.

Ne vjerujem da bivši general Petr. dovodi u igru koaliciju voljnih ili sto je prvi gen. SAD-a Milley nakon bitke za Herson otvoreno propagirao, da je sad dobar trenutak za pregovore, samo sto bi ‘navukli’ Ruse.

Mnogi od shuma koji se stvorio ina internetu i propagandista i njihovog spina nisu culi ono sto je sa tog istog zapada doslo sta je potrebno kao preduslov za pregovore, a to je da MIR se ne moze nicim uslovljavati sa ruske strane to je cak i Olaf Scholz kao papagaj ponavljao tih dana. Samo spremnost da se razgovara o potpunom povlacenju ruske vojske iz Ukrajine moze biti osnova za pregovore pa makar to bilo i sa Putinom na celu RF na sta Ukrajina nije spremna cak imaju i zakon koji to sprecava. Taj stav zapad zeli da se omeksa u Kijevu, jer Putina samo prirodna smrt moze sprijeciti da ne bude vladar .... A govora nema o nekom pregovoru za status quo i zamrzavanje konflikta, "dejton" - ne u ovom momentu u ovom "timeframe" - to je nakon izjave Milley stiglo od americke administracije kao odgovor. Da ne bude zabune, Milley to sto je izjavio nikad ne bi javno izjavio bez prethodnog odobrenja te iste administracije da moze, samovoljna izjava bi ga kostala karijere, hijerarhija u USA je takva da svi koji nose uniformu nista ne rade svojevoljno i na svoju pamet. Da je to Lloyd J. Austin III izjavio to bi imalo puno vecu tezinu.

A sta imamo od Lloyda frisko:

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III spoke with German Federal Minister of Defence Christine Lambrecht to discuss joint efforts to support Ukraine and to enhance security along NATO's Eastern Flank. Secretary Austin praised Germany's leadership in providing security assistance to Ukraine, which is having a major positive impact on Ukraine's ability to defend itself against Russian aggression. The two leaders agreed to continue to closely coordinate their efforts in assisting Ukraine and strengthening NATO deterrence.

Govor u Kanadi 19 novembra:

'Why Ukraine Matters' Remarks by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III at the Halifax International Security Forum (As Delivered)
Nov. 19, 2022
Halifax, Canada
(fragment citav govor je na linku US MOD na dnu posta)

devastating war in the heart of Europe.

And that's what I'd like to discuss today.

Now, we start from a position of moral clarity.

Ladies and gentlemen, Russia chose war.

Russia chose aggression.

But Ukraine chose to fight back.

And Ukraine chose to defend itself.

And the world came together to help.

President Biden has rallied nations of goodwill, as he put it, "to stand against the global politics of fear and coercion." And ever since Russia's all-out invasion of Ukraine on February 24, countries from around the world have rallied behind some clear first principles.

And those first principles are that countries don't get to invade their peaceful neighbors.

Autocrats don't get to redraw borders by force.

And the imperial ambition of bullies doesn't outweigh the sovereign rights of U.N. member states.

That's something that countries all around the world agree on, from Finland to Japan, from Morocco to New Zealand.

The outcome of the war in Ukraine will help determine the course of global security in this young century. And those of us in North America don't have the option of sitting this one out.

Stability and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic are at stake. You know, the U.S. trading relationship with the European Union is the largest in the world. So when an aggressor manufactures a huge security crisis in Europe, it hits home for everyday Americans and Canadians.

When President Franklin Roosevelt visited Canada in 1938, he gave a speech at Queen's University, where Minister Anand would later study and teach law. And FDR said, "We in the Americas are no longer a faraway continent," one whose security can stand isolated from conflicts across the seas.

And the tragic and troubling explosion in Poland this week reminded the whole world of the recklessness of Putin's war of choice.

So today, I'd like to talk about four reasons why Ukraine matters to all of us.

First, Putin's war of choice is a direct threat to European security.

Second, Russian aggression is a clear challenge to our NATO allies.

Third, Russia's deliberate cruelty is an attack on our shared values—and on the rule of law.

And finally, Russia's invasion tears at the rules-based international order that keeps us all secure.

So our support for Ukraine's self-defense is an investment in our own security and prosperity as well.

But first, let's be clear. Putin's invasion has caused the worst crisis in [European] security since the end of the Second World War.

You know, Putin tried to conquer the largest country in Europe outside of his own. And a member of the U.N. Security Council tried to deny democracy to more than 43 million people.

So that's why our recently released National Defense Strategy calls out Russia as "an acute threat."

And Russia's neighbors in Europe have watched its aggression with rising alarm. They fully understand that February 24th changed the world. And they are grappling with the instability, and the destruction, and the human misery, the flood of refugees, and the other dangers that an even more reckless and aggressive Russia presents.

Yet we've seen an incredible response from our friends in Europe, as well as others all around the globe.

Allies and partners have raced to bolster Ukraine's air defenses. They've pushed hard to train Ukrainian troops on new defensive systems. They've provided thousands of UAV systems, more than 3,000 anti-tank systems, and vast, vast amounts of ammunition. And they've rushed to invest in their own industrial production to meet their security needs even while giving Ukraine the capabilities to defend itself in the hard months and years ahead.

Now, that brings me to my second reason why Ukraine matters.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine has posed a historic challenge to our NATO allies, including Canada.

We've updated our posture to ensure that NATO's defense and deterrence are ready for the dangers ahead.

In the words of my good friend and colleague, Secretary General Stoltenberg, NATO's purpose is "to prevent war and preserve peace." And NATO has done this for 70 years.

And the foundation of this great defensive alliance is Article Five of the North Atlantic Treaty. Article Five declares that an armed attack against one or more allies "shall be considered an attack against them all."

That's our commitment.

And it is ironclad.

As the National Defense Strategy says, we'll continue to focus on deterring Russian attacks on our NATO allies and reinforcing our treaty commitments. And we'll work with our klix allies to increase interoperability, and to share intelligence, and to improve our resilience against attack and coercion.

And so since February, we've moved swiftly and surely to reinforce our NATO allies.

NATO has strengthened its forward defenses and enhanced its forces on its Eastern Flank.

And since February, we've deployed or extended more than 20,000 additional U.S. forces to Europe, bringing our current total to more than 100,000 American service members across Europe.

In Poland, we have permanently forward-stationed the V Corps Headquarters Forward Command Post, an Army garrison headquarters, and a field-support battalion. And those are the first permanent U.S. forces on NATO's Eastern Flank.

And we're looking forward to welcoming Finland and Sweden—which, as you know, are two highly capable democracies—to NATO's ranks.

Ladies and gentlemen, NATO is a defensive alliance. It does not seek confrontation with Russia. It poses no threat to Russia.

Make no mistake: we will not be dragged into Putin's war of choice.

But we will stand by Ukraine as it fights to defend itself.

And we will defend every inch of NATO territory.

And we will continue to strengthen NATO's collective defense and deterrence.

Through two World Wars and the Cold War, we've learned that our security requires defending not just our side of the Atlantic but also a larger, transatlantic community of freedom.

And as Russia has looked to others for help, it has actually caused new security concerns for allies and partners beyond NATO.

Russia has turned to Iran and North Korea to help its assault on Ukraine—including using Iranian drones to kill Ukrainian citizens. And Iran is gaining important battlefield experience. And this kind of irresponsible behavior from Iran and the DPRK is a serious concern for our allies and partners in the Middle East and in the Indo-Pacific.

Now, that brings me to my third reason why Ukraine matters.

You see, there are still rules in war.

And if a big power can flaunt those rules, it encourages others to defy international law and international norms.

So we are determined to defend those rules—and especially the bedrock principle of noncombatant immunity. Because the more that it's eroded, the more dangerous our world becomes.

You see, Russia isn't just waging a war of aggression. It's also deliberately attacking civilian targets and civilian infrastructure with no military purpose whatsoever.

Now, these aren't just lapses.

These aren't exceptions to the rules.

These are atrocities.

And Russian military barrages have left innocent Ukrainians without heat, and water, and electricity.

And we've seen schools attacked. We've seen children killed. Hospitals bombed. And centers of Ukrainian history and culture reduced to rubble.

And Russia has killed thousands of civilians in Ukraine, according to the U.N. And more than 7 million Ukrainian refugees have fled to other countries.

And all this comes after disturbingly radical statements from Russia's leaders.

You know, days before his invasion, Putin declared that, "Modern Ukraine was entirely created by Russia."

Now, that's an alarming preview of Putin's vision—a vision of a world in which autocrats decide which countries are real, and which countries can be snuffed out.

And as President Biden said at the U.N. General Assembly, "This war is about extinguishing Ukraine's right to exist as a state, plain and simple." And then he added, "Whoever you are, wherever you live, whatever you believe in, that should make your blood run cold."

And it has.

And that's why so many nations of goodwill have stepped up to fight for Ukraine's right to defend itself. And that's why the world rejected Russia's bogus referenda, its claims to annex sovereign Ukrainian territory, and its hollow assertions that Ukraine is somehow a part of Russia.


And that's why 141 countries—let me say that again, 141 countries—in the U.N. General Assembly stood together to condemn Russia's lawless war of choice.

Now, the ripples of Russia's invasion have traveled far, far beyond Europe. And Putin's war has underscored the challenge that we face in the Indo-Pacific, where the PRC is also pushing for something very far from our vision of a free, and stable, and open international system.

Beijing, like Moscow, seeks a world where might makes right, where disputes are resolved by force, and where autocrats can stamp out the flame of freedom.

As President Biden said this week after his meeting with President Xi, "There need not be a Cold War." But we remain clear-eyed about the China challenge.

The PRC's military activities in the Taiwan Strait are growing increasingly provocative, with PLA aircraft flying near Taiwan in record numbers on a near-daily basis. We've seen a sharp increase in the number of dangerous PLA intercepts of U.S. and allied forces—including Canadian aircraft—that were operating lawfully in international airspace over the South and East China Seas.

Now, these troubling trends highlight the imperative of working with our unparalleled network of allies and partners across both the Atlantic and the Pacific to deter aggression. So we are drawing on the lessons from Ukraine to further bolster the self-defense capabilities of our Indo-Pacific partners. And we're helping them to become more agile and resilient. And we're working towards an open and secure future that advances our shared interests and our shared values.

Now, the shorthand for that type of open, and decent, and stable world is the rules-based international order. Now, I know that phrase doesn't necessarily get everyone's pulse racing.

[Laughter]

But the rules-based international order isn't some piece of abstract political-science jargon.

It is one of the towering achievements of human government.

It's the structure of international institutions, alliances, laws, and norms built at staggering cost by the allies—including and especially the United States—in the awful aftermath of World War II.

The World War II allies came together, in Winston Churchill's words, "to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime."

The price of stopping Nazi Germany and the Axis was almost unimaginable. More than 400,000 American service members and more than 44,000 Canadians alone died in that war. And tens of millions of civilians around the world were lost to war and genocide.

But the allies prevailed—including the mighty contribution of the Soviet military, which suffered a shattering cost of an estimated 8 million dead or more.

And the allies came together to build a better world out of the devastation. And as it happens, the vision of that world was first painted here in Canada.

In 1941, Churchill crossed the Atlantic to meet President Roosevelt in Newfoundland. And the principles that FDR and Churchill laid out in the Atlantic Charter still ring true today.

That charter condemns aggression. It rejects territorial changes against the free will of the peoples concerned. And it respects the right of all peoples, big and small, to choose their own governments.

Now, those principles still help ground the rules-based international order.

It is an order where small states have the same rights as large ones.

Where prosperity is shared by all peoples, and not hoarded by empires or autocrats.

Where nuclear weapons are responsibly controlled, and not used to threaten the world.

Where disputes are resolved by negotiations, and not bloodshed.

It's a world where sovereignty is respected, and not trampled.

Where civilians are protected, and not targeted.

And a world where borders are honored, and not redrawn by force.

The price of establishing the post-World War II order was far too high to just walk away from. We have security obligations that we cannot walk away from.

U.S. leadership helped to build the rules-based international order, and U.S. leadership is vital to sustain it.

And the people of the world don't want to go back—to endure a grim new era of upheaval, and chaos, and war.

And Russia's invasion offers a preview of a possible world of tyranny and turmoil that none of us want to live in.

And it's an invitation to an increasingly insecure world haunted by the shadow of nuclear proliferation.

Because Putin's fellow autocrats are watching. And they could well conclude that getting nuclear weapons would give them a hunting license of their own. And that could drive a dangerous spiral of nuclear proliferation.


Putin's war of choice shows the whole world the dangers of disorder.

That's the security challenge that we face. It is urgent, and it is historic. But we're going to meet it.

Ladies and gentlemen, the basic principles of democracy are under siege around the world. But we meet here among friends who share our democratic values.

At home, that means that we cherish free and fair elections. And the rule of law. And a free, independent, and vigorous press. And the right to worship. The freedom to say what you think, to believe in what's in your heart, to rally for the causes that stir your soul.

And abroad, it means that we rededicate ourselves to the proposition that free government, free minds, and free peoples will always be stronger than the autocrats who believe that their grip on power is all that matters.

And so the world has seen something extraordinary over these tragic months of unnecessary war.

You see, Russia thought that it could easily conquer Ukraine—but the Ukrainians are defending themselves magnificently.

Russia thought that the West would splinter—but our allies and partners stand united and firm.

Russia thought that democracy was a spent force—but free people everywhere have rallied behind Ukraine's right to self-defense.

Now, we know that hard times may lie ahead as Ukraine faces a harsh winter. And as Russia's position on the battlefield erodes, Putin may resort again to profoundly irresponsible nuclear saber-rattling.

But we will meet these challenges—together.

And we will continue to draw inspiration from the Ukrainian people.

You know, just days ago, a father in Kyiv waited calmly to fill up a container of water for his wife and their newborn baby. His family was living without heat, during rolling blackouts.

And he said that however bad the winter might be, it was better than giving in to tyranny.

Now that's the spirit of Ukraine.

That's the spirit that won the Battle of Kyiv, that retook Snake Island, and freed Kherson and Kharkhiv.

And it shows the moral power of a free people fighting to defend their lives, their country, and their unalienable rights.

You know, the Russians have a massive military and impressive weapons. But it hasn't helped them prevail in a campaign of conquest and cruelty.

And the reason is simple.

You see, war isn't just about the weapons.

It's about the cause.

And it's about those who fight for it.

As President Biden has said, "Ukraine will never be a victory for Russia—for free people refuse to live in a world of hopelessness and darkness."

And the Canadian Parliament heard a similar message from another American president back in May of 1961, when John F. Kennedy made his first foreign trip of his presidency.

Our alliance, he declared, "is born not of fear, but of hope."

And ladies and gentlemen, we are the guardians of that alliance born of hope.

And I believe that our support for the forces of freedom in Ukraine will hold fast, in any season or any storm.

Free people always refuse to replace an open order of rules and rights with one dictated by force and fear.

And that's why Ukraine matters.

Because rules matter.

Sovereignty matters.

And freedom matters.

[Applause]

https://www.defense.gov/News/Speeches/S ... -at-the-h/

[AliceInChains]

Znaci, u zadnja dva mjeseca su ispalili preko 200 projektila ciljano na infrastrukturu čisto radi osvete? Ili možda, slučajno otkad im je zapad preko Zelenskija dao do znanja da pregovori tek dolaze u obzir nakon de fakto potpune kapitulacije?

Neki vojni analitičari tvrde da je to razlog sto sad teze brutalnom i neograničenom silom riješiti konflikt.

Može biti da su apsolutno glupi, ali ce ipak vrijeme pokazati.

Jedino sto se meni čini: Rusi su trenutno daleko od kapitulacije.

Sta kazu "analiticari", je li nekad slabija strana, a Rusi su trenutno slabija strana u Ukrajini (zli jezici kazu i u Rusiji ), "brutalnom i neograničenom silom", uspjela rijesiti konflikt? Jesmo li se mi predali, kada se nas gadjali modifikovanim bombama? Jesu li se Britanci predali, kada su padale V1 i V2?

Rusi ne moraju kapitulirati. Dovoljno je da "nestanu" iz Ukrajine, kao iz Hersona, da odu u Mordor i pocnu decenijsku mitolosku mantru o velikoj "pobedi na Kos...", pardon - u Ukrajini.

Kapa im do poda, ako uspiju.

Nego, ima i analitičara koji tvrde da Rusi spremaju barem dvije velike ofanzive, tj. sjeverozapadno i jugoistočno za par sedmica, tj. čim zaleđeni teren to dopusti.

Naravno Ukrajinci mogu pomrsiti račune, ako pokrenu neku novu ofanzivu.

Vidjet ćemo.

[AliceInChains]

Da me se ne shvati pogrešno, ali taj predoslov, tj. pregovori tek nakon potpunog povlačenja = kapitulacija

[japin_mutapi]

ko se jos uvijek boji ruskih ofanziva
ukrajinci sigurno ne

[Operativac11]

Nije to kapitulacija, to je stratesko povlacenje, korak po korak sve manje Ukrajine okupiraju…

Nazovi to kako hoćeš, izgubljene bitke, Istorija nije ispisana, Ukrajinci još nisu dobili rat.

Stvara se dojam kroz propagandu da samo Rusi ginu, da isključivo strada ruska krhka tehnologija/ oprema, sto jednostavno ne štima.

Šta se vojne opreme tiče, Ukrajinci su imali i dosta sreće sto su im bivše varšavske republike dostavili bas dosta tog ‘smeća’.

Ne vjerujem da bivši general Petr. dovodi u igru koaliciju voljnih ili sto je prvi gen. SAD-a Milley nakon bitke za Herson otvoreno propagirao, da je sad dobar trenutak za pregovore, samo sto bi ‘navukli’ Ruse.

Lista gnjavatora/ica je ažurirana.

[SanskiBiser]

Da me se ne shvati pogrešno, ali taj predoslov, tj. pregovori tek nakon potpunog povlačenja = kapitulacija

Spremnost na povlacenje ruske vojske iz kompletne Ukrajine je preduslov za pregovore (garantovanje bezbjednosti za pobunjenike se lako moze ostvariti i bez Rusa ima UN za to i USA kao garant a i NATO "KFOR" ) kao i spremnost Kijeva da pregovara sa Putinom ukljucenim u takve pregovore direktno ili indirektno preko posrednika. Ne priznaje se aneksija i referendumi, odrzava se suverenost Ukrajine u medjunarodno priznatim granicama bez toga moguce je samo privremeno zamrzavanje konflikta vec sam stavljao par puta profesora Majkla Klarka koji je govorio da su u UK spremni na konflikt u Ukrajini koji bi mogao potrajati i dvije generacije uz privremene pauze tj. zamrzavanje konflikta.

Velike zemlje, sile, rade strateska planiranja unapred ne za 10-20-30 godina to su kratki periodi za njih oni planiraju za 50-100 godina unapred, dugorocne strategije pa onda contigency planovi, rezervni planovi ako sta ne podje kako treba. Ne zive od danas do sutra kao balkanske i istocnoevropske "zabiti" gdje preovladava mentalitet bazara ili buvljaka gdje se radi kratkorocne koristi pojedinca ili elita zrtvuje buducnost i blagostanje nacije, to je hronicni problem i Rusije sto se ocitovalo u ovom ratu kao nikad prije. Dugorocni strateski interes USA i UK, Kanade, Australije (anglosaksonaca da tako kazemo posteno) je suverena Ukrajina u medjunarodno priznatim granicama.

na tu temu mentaliteta bazara na koji Rusija nije imuna, naprotiv:
https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2011/03/ ... lity-a5659

iz 2011 a zadnjih 10 godina je bio sunovrat u tom pogledu...

In a similar fashion, not all Western cultural values will work in Russia. One of the largest barriers to Russia joining the Western economic club is its “bazaar market psychology.”

The bazaar mentality is what makes the Russian economy different from the more developed economies in the West. Another difference is that, in the West, economic development is generated from the bottom, not the top. A free-market economy is driven by people engaged in a fierce competitive struggle for maximum profit, in which only the most capable, creative and innovative come out ahead. Russia, however, attempts to drive that initiative from the top, with politicians and closely affiliated oligarchs deciding which big projects should be undertaken and at what cost, as well as where, when and by whom they will be implemented. And the more the cost is inflated and the less effective it is in practice, the more profitable the project is for the people at the top. That is why Russia and the West cannot compete as equals.

It is well known that Russia suffers from a chronic inferiority complex in relation to the West. As a result, the Kremlin is fixated on achieving parity with its competitors in those few, narrow sectors where it is still possible, such as nuclear weapons (and even here nuclear parity is a big stretch given the numerical and quality gap between the two countries).

Obsessed with securing its place in the international arena as a leading global power, Russia doesn’t see the forest for the trees. It spends woefully little on science, education, health care and the environment, while spending billions of dollars on big-ticket prestige items, such as space missions, the Olympics and international pop music contests.

Russia is not only failing to catch up with the West, it is lagging farther and farther behind it with each passing year. The harsh reality is that the world doesn’t respect a laggard — especially if that laggard wastes most of its resources on throwing a spaceship into orbit or a huge, extravagant Olympic party for the world to attend.

If Russia wants to become a leading, post-industrial country of the 21st century, it will have to improve its culture. Lee was exactly right when he said a nation’s culture truly determines its klix.

Yevgeny Bazhanov is vice chancellor of research and international relations at the Foreign Ministry’s Diplomatic Academy in Moscow.

[Hame_]

Prošlonedjeljne objave o izdvajanjima za opremu uključivale su oko 250 brzih vozila na točkovima iz SAD i drugih država, pazite!

Očigledno blitz u Svatove -> Starobilsk, kada se tlo stvrdne. Presijecanje sjeverne željezničke veze što prije je najbolji način da iskoristite zimu. Nakon toga samo pričekajte da linije prema jugu oslabe.

Rat dobija bolja logistika.

[Hame_]

Nego da pitam, jel iko od vaske bio na minus 20 stepeni par sati...

Od 2h do 6h je tako hladno da ti se muda smrznu.

Drvo puklo, bilo je ispod -20°C i vjetar.

[emirolini]

Nije ni debeli minus jos a Rusisti vec poceli krepati. Uglavnom Putin kaze da je to ok jer je to slavna smrt. I svinje u Srbiji imaju bolji tretman nego sto ga imaju Rusisti od vlastitih diktatora.