jeza u ledja wrote: ↑30/08/2020 03:07Sve to stoji sto je Moore rekao, kao i clanak iz Guardiana, no shvatanje politike koju je Moore podrzavao od strane mnogih njenih sljedbenika je cesto u koliziji sa politickom porukom koja se ovdje zeli istaci.dale cooper wrote: ↑29/08/2020 23:21 Dobar članak koji je ujedno i upozorenje za demokrate da se populizam Trumpa i republikanske stranke ne shvati olako i nešto
što se može jednostavno prevazići.
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfr ... cans-peril
I Michael Moore upozorava da trenutne ankete ne idu baš na ruku Bidenu u tzv swing states.In assessing the Republican national convention, liberal columnists poured forth a torrent of bile and scorn. Some sample headlines from the Washington Post: “The GOP Convention Just Ripped the Mask off Trump’s Corruption and Lies.” “Trump Shows us the Limits of Running the Country Like a Reality TV Show.” “Trump’s Choice for America: Democracy or White Supremacy?” “What Country Does Mike Pence Live In?” “The Latest Chaos at the Convention Reveals Trump as a Miserable Failure.” “To sum up,” Jennifer Rubin, the Washington Post columnist, wrote in a representative passage, “the Republican party has dropped any pretense of a policy platform, throwing its lot in with a racist, xenophobic and compulsively dishonest man who creates chaos and dysfunction and is the subject of multiple investigations relating to his finances.”
For those of us who devoutly desire Trump’s defeat, the Republican convention did seem a miasma of bromides and bombast, hypocrisy and hyperbole, fawning and evasion. The columnists’ lockstep bashing of Trump, however, is revealing in its own way. It shows the extent to which the liberal commentariat has become an arm of the Democratic party. It also suggests their remarkable lack of curiosity and interest in how the convention played with ordinary voters. And, however cynical and manipulative the show may have been, it seemed in many ways an effective one.
Take, for instance, the naturalization ceremony Trump conducted in the White House. One columnist, in a typical swipe, blasted the president for “crassly reducing five newly minted US citizens to photogenic props”. But those props included a medical worker from Ghana, a substitute teacher from Sudan, a construction worker from Bolivia, and a software engineer from India, all of whom were asked by the president to share their stories. The inductees were clearly moved and gratified by the attention, helping make Trump’s Muslim ban and references to Mexican rapists seem distant memories.
The president projected similar empathy in a meeting with frontline workers, among them a police officer who contracted and recovered from Covid, a trucker who continued to haul goods during the pandemic, a teacher and two nurses. “I want to thank you all very much, a fantastic group of people,” said Trump, helping distract attention from just how incompetent and disastrous his response to the virus has been.
Every night, hardworking men and women appeared to attest to the American spirit. There were cops, veterans, a dairy farmer, a fisherman from Maine, a foundry owner from Wisconsin and a logger who talked about all the mills in Minnesota that had shut down during the Obama-Biden years and which Trump was fighting to keep open.
Most extraordinary of all was the nonstop procession of African Americans expressing their support for the president. They included retired football star Herschel Walker, South Carolina senator Tim Scott (who memorably described how his family “went from cotton to Congress in one lifetime”) and a group of tenants of New York public housing who praised Trump for providing funds to improve their buildings while the city’s progressive mayor sat by.
In another White House event, Jon Ponder, a thrice-convicted felon, recounted how he had found Christ in prison and how after his release he created a re-entry program for ex-prisoners. Ponder testified to Trump’s commitment to criminal justice reform. Trump then surprised Ponder by pardoning him. The event, opined one columnist, was “part of an all-out attempt to whitewash the administration’s shocking racism”, but it’s doubtful that the conservative Christians tuning in saw it that way. (After Trump, the names most frequently invoked at the convention were God and Lincoln.)
In a column titled “Sorry, Democrats. Trump’s Convention Is Working”, David Von Drehle, in a rare dissent from the hegemony at the Post, pointed out that gestures like Ponder’s pardon were aimed not only at swaying uncommitted African Americans but also at reassuring white voters “who don’t want to believe they are voting for a racist”.
All this was laced with apocalyptic references to the rioting, looting, mob rule, businesses set on fire, anarchists roaming the streets and assaults on police officers that have occurred in many American cities. The Republicans lost no opportunity to pin the blame on the Democrats who run them – thus obscuring the fact that the mayhem is occurring on the watch of a president who came into office promising to end “American carnage”. The grim roll-call of African Americans gunned down by the police rated hardly a mention during the four-day conclave.
During their own convention, the Democrats effectively showcased their vision of a rainbow America embracing all colors, generations, genders, sexual orientations and national origins. While I watched it, however, I worried whether ordinary blue-collar Americans would feel part of it. Biden held one notable session with union members, but it was fleeting and forgettable.
After Hillary Clinton’s fatal failure to connect with the working class in 2016, the need for Democrats to reach out to them has been clear. To judge from their convention, however, they remain as lumbering and clueless as ever. Clearly, their program – building infrastructure, investing in early education, expanding access to healthcare – would serve ordinary Americans better than that of the Republicans, yet the Republican party, led by a self-aggrandizing plutocrat, continues to outdo them in appearing the champion of working families – the greatest feat of stagecraft of all.
The day after the Democratic convention ended, MSNBC’s Andrea Mitchell asked the Ohio senator Sherrod Brown how he thought the event had played in the rust belt. Brown quickly admonished her for using that term, saying that the region was not rusting but revitalizing. Mitchell accepted the rebuke, but, to her credit, she pressed Brown on why Trump continues to have such a hold on working-class white people in the Midwest. The Democrats, said Brown, must do a better job of exposing Trump’s “phony populism”. After the Republicans’ skillfully choreographed show, that task seems more urgent than ever.
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/202 ... 16-warning
Mislim, u stvarnosti bi Samdersova politika pomogla upravo toj radnickoj klasi, medjutim u ovim clancima kada se govori o “ordinary blue-collar Americans” se zaboravlja navesti da misle na bijele blue-collar Americans. Jer oni su ti koji su izostavljeni iz price o rainbow coalition, svih rasa, seksualnih opredjeljenja, itd. A bas takvu pricu upravo najcesce promovisu upravo progresivni politicari. Ne toliko Sanders, ne toliko recimo Katie Porter, ali definitivno The Squad i ostala piculadija. U takvoj prici, iako ona sustinski radi i za njega, se taj bijeli radnik bas i ne snalazi. Nije to njemu bas tako lako objasniti, mislim, kako ce prica o imigrantima, manjinama, muslimanima, trans populaciji, pomoci njemu i malo je tesko nekad spojiti liberalizam i socijaldemokraciju.
Helem, sa svim recenim, slazem se sa Mooreom da je situacija u ovim key swing states ozbiljnija nego sto se misli. I to da je trend trenutno o korist Trumpa. Isto se desavalo prije 4 godine. Jos je prerano, ali treba uloziti svaki gram snage u MI, PA i WI. U AZ i NC se ne pouzdam, a FL uvijek nekako izmakne. Mislim da je jos uvijek Biden u blagoj prednosti, ali se to moze promjeniti jos 3 puta do novembra.
Mislim da je najveća bojazan da demokrate ponovo zapostavljaju ove neke ključne države računajući da su tu sigurni.
