Sirija vol. 2

[jefff]

[sumirprimus]

Otuda i potreba za kontriranjem zalosnoj propagandi.
Bar na racun tog lika.
Lik je u najmanju ruku ljudski heroj.bez obzira na stranu i navijanje.

[Nadzornik]

Turci raketiraju SAA...




Poslije kad ih SAA sprzi sa TOS1 Buratino-m,bice kuku lele...

[husein_kapetan]

Raketni bacaci BM-27 i BM-30 sada ciljaju podrucja iz kojih je pokrenut napad na SAA u zapadnom Alepu tj.tamo gdje
turska vojska ucestvuje i daje potporu pobunjenicima.

koliko si t-90 tamo u zadnje vrijeme vidio..ima i onaj treci MBR sirijski ali smatraju da im (za) sada ne treba..koriste jos uvijek one t-55 i mescini dosta uspijesno..malo li je..Tigrova 25 divizija je izgleda svugdje dovoljna..
Ako svoje mig-ove 29keSM2 dignu onda su stvari zakomplicirane..ovako..stanje redovno..

[MorningStar]

Pa kako mozes pljuvat nesto sto nisi ni gledo?
Osnova debate bar biti upucen u tematiku.
Dakle samo blanko propaganda nista fakti

Kakav licemjer i spiner. Pravi cionista

Cionisti na sve strane, provjeri ispod kauca za svaki slucaj mozda se neki usunjao

[Nadzornik]

Krece bjezanija iz Idliba...

[salik79]

Covjek nema nikave veze sa ubistvom tog djecaka, to je debunkirano, a te attentiion whiores od kurda se samo pridruzile rezimskoj propagandi, uostalom ista tikva tenutno.

Nije niko nikada naveo da je on licno klao, nego da je (bio) jako blizak s koljacima.


Ali, kada si u stanju slagati da sam ja negdje indirektno nesto oriznao u vezi toga, sta dalhe da ocekujem?!

Sta znaci bio blizak? Kalve su to sad fore.. i ti si blizak asadu pa nisi mesar i zlocinac kao on.

Prico se i o nekim nepostojecim slikama pa ke to indirektno priznanje.

Kojim, ba, nepistojecim slikama?! Onima gdje se nasmijesen i zagrljen slika sa koljacima maloga palestinca?! Je li te? Jesu li one nepostojece, ili sta? O cemu ti, uopce pricas?!

[dragma]

Bezze je to odgovaranje pitanjem.
Treba biti iskren i kazati da je u pravu ovo u vezi tr i nusre.
Nusra je godinama u okruženju. Dovoljno je da tr zavrne pipu i najkasnije za dva do tri mjeseca nusra ne bi imala metka da opali.
Mit također može uraditi čuda sa komandantima koji ne žele da se integrišu u neke druge jedinice.

Problem je izgleda kako Turskoj nije u interesu da se odrekne nusre. iz kog razloga ne znam, možda se vode zabludom kao i naš uvaženi kolega:

Bez HTŠ opozicija bi bila nešto poput iračke vojske. 500 vojnika zauzme grad od dva miliona, a desetine hiljada vojnika onako se samo povuku.

Po njemu, narod je navodno u HTŠ-u prepoznao nekoga ko može da ih zaštiti, kao što je onomad prepoznao u ISIL-u.

18+
https://www.raqqa-sl.com/en/?p=286

[The 51st State]

Nije niko nikada naveo da je on licno klao, nego da je (bio) jako blizak s koljacima.


Ali, kada si u stanju slagati da sam ja negdje indirektno nesto oriznao u vezi toga, sta dalhe da ocekujem?!

Sta znaci bio blizak? Kalve su to sad fore.. i ti si blizak asadu pa nisi mesar i zlocinac kao on.

Prico se i o nekim nepostojecim slikama pa ke to indirektno priznanje.

Kojim, ba, nepistojecim slikama?! Onima gdje se nasmijesen i zagrljen slika sa koljacima maloga palestinca?! Je li te? Jesu li one nepostojece, ili sta? O cemu ti, uopce pricas?!

Pricam o tvojoj necovjecnoj diskreditaciji, kao jebo film, ovaj blizak koljacima.

[Kikibombona]

Koju su glupost Kurdi napravili sa Afrinom...
Kako bi sad dobro doslo zatvaranje Idliba sa sjevera...

Tu glupost su napravili Rusi kada su efrinske Kurde pustili niz vodu. Nemoj zaboraviti, Rusi i efrinski Kurdi su bili u savezu, ruske baze su bile posvuda u Efrinu. I onda je Putin odlucio prodati Turcima Efrin.

Turcima bi bilo puno teze da je Efrin pod kontrolom YPG i da Rusi imaju baze na sjeveru.

[The 51st State]

Ovaj cetalj sto likujje nad sudbinom civila nek se ne javlja kad bjezanija krene u suprotnom smjeru.
Turci lagano bildaju snage za sljagu rezimu, zasad su neutralisali rezimsku avijaciju i pomalo daju vatrenu podrsku.uz jos nesto hardvera opozociji.

[Kikibombona]

Tragom oslobodjenih gradova i sela po Idlibu:

Kazu da na znaku pise "Zabranjeno pjevanje"...




... i pusenje...

Dole vehabizam.

[MorningStar]

Mislim da je taj znak postavljen zbog mogucnosti sumskog pozara tj. neki prirodni rezervat je u pitanju a ne zbog nekih vjerskih pravila

[Kikibombona]

Rokanje po Amerima,Rusi ih moraju spasavati...

Pa poslje kad ih razvezu ko oko deir zorra onda kuku lele ameri pomazu isisu

Neka zahvale Bogo sto nijedan Amerikanac nije ubijen. Najebali bi zestoko. Na kraju, jedan napadac je ubijen a drugi ranjen kada su Amerikanci uzvratili vatru.

[dragma]

Ovaj cetalj sto likujje nad sudbinom civila nek se ne javlja kad bjezanija krene u suprotnom smjeru.
Turci lagano bildaju snage za sljagu rezimu, zasad su neutralisali rezimsku avijaciju i pomalo daju vatrenu podrsku.uz jos nesto hardvera opozociji.

Mojne i ti ko kolega aldinjo. Pusti se četalja, pašćadi i sl. Nije to tvoj nivo.

[salik79]

Pogledajte dokumentarac. Kap u moru rusenja asadistickog narativa...

Evo, lik pogledao i objasnio:

Syria’s unfinished civil war may be the most amply documented conflict in history. Much of it has been broadcast live, with participants and observers posting breathless, hand-held footage from the first ecstatic protests in 2011 to the many lurid horrors that came afterward. Yet this tsunami of images seems often to obscure rather than clarify a complex war with many sides. The fact that photos and video clips have been so often adopted and brandished by Syrian partisans in defense of their warring narratives, which contend both online and in the streets, has further numbed our senses. “I was there,” all these witnesses seem to shout. Whose eyes and ears to trust?

Two films about the Syrian war are among the five nominated in the documentary category for an academy award this year. One of them, For Sama, directed by Waad al-Kateab, has already won awards in the UK, where it became the most-nominated documentary in the history of the British Academy of Film and Television Arts Awards. The other is The Cave, directed by Feras Fayyad, whose 2017 Last Men in Aleppo was nominated for an Oscar in 2018. The two films are curiously similar in form. Both revolve around a woman who insists on remaining in a besieged opposition enclave (Aleppo in one case, Eastern Ghouta in the other). Both take place mostly in claustrophobic trauma wards where doctors struggle to save the victims of the Assad regime’s bombing campaign.

These films are raw and painful to watch; they also contain scenes of arresting intimacy. But they may owe some of their resonance in the US to the way they cater, knowingly or not, to some of Hollywood’s favored formulae. Both films chronicle the struggles of an independent young woman who chafes against the restrictions of a male-dominated society. There are good and bad guys: an irredeemably evil regime maiming helpless civilians and the heroic doctors who treat them. So we see no rebel fighters, in either film; and while both protagonists complain in passing about religious extremism, we see little evidence of it apart from women in black veils.

It is hard to blame the subjects of the two films for this; they were just trying to survive in a place where venturing into the streets (or even criticizing one’s own side too loudly) could be deadly. The Cave is an especially vivid evocation of this reality, set largely in a purpose-built underground medical clinic connected to the surface by dim, cloacal tunnels. There is no question that both films’ principal theme—the large-scale indiscriminate bombing of civilian areas (and hospitals) by both the Assad regime and its Russian ally—is an appalling war crime and one of the war’s central realities. Still, it would be a shame if the Oscar publicity machine were to turn either of these films, with their necessarily partial windows onto Syria’s agony, into a broader parable about the war’s political meaning.

“In rebel-held Aleppo we lived in a free country,” Waad al-Kateab tells the camera at one point in For Sama. The film jumps backward and forward in time, suggesting a natural progression from the first peaceful protesters of 2011 to the last stand of that city’s eastern enclave under the Assad regime’s bombs in late 2016. Near the end of the siege, when al-Kateab and her husband are joining the final exodus from the city, she addresses her baby daughter, Sama, who was born in East Aleppo during the siege: “I want you to know that we fought for the most important cause of all. So that you and your children would not have to live as we lived. Everything we did was for you.”

Watching this film, you do not see the militias fighting for “free Aleppo,” whose members tortured prisoners not far from where al-Kateab and her husband were recording their daily lives as civilians caught up in the conflict. The same happened in Eastern Ghouta, the Damascus suburb where The Cave was filmed. These fighters—many of them jihadists—hoarded food while civilians starved, murdered those suspected of disloyalty, and waged internecine gun battles in the streets. Like the Assad regime, they depended on foreign backers for guns and money.

In early 2017, after the Assad regime had recaptured East Aleppo and evacuated its formerly rebel-held enclave, I walked through the burnt-out ruins of the Aleppo Eye Hospital, where Jabhat al-Nusra, the al-Qaeda affiliate in Syria, had had its headquarters. In the fetid, trash-strewn basement was a room with a sign marking it as a women’s prison, and some graffiti by an inmate on the wall (“they ask us to do justly and they neglect it themselves”). Later, I interviewed one of the women who had been held there, a gaunt, harrowed mother of three who’d been held captive for almost four years. In the hospital, her jailers beat and cursed her and called her an infidel, she told me.

Al-Kateab briefly acknowledges that Islamist extremists were “trying to take over the revolution,” before observing that the Assad regime’s behavior was far worse. The protagonist of The Cave, a pediatrician and hospital administrator named Amani Ballour, makes similar dismissive comments about intolerant Muslims. But these brief comments elide a darker reality: both women were living in areas that were defended by brutal Islamist gangs. Whatever one may think or feel about Dr. Ballour, or about al-Kateab and her husband, also a brave doctor, who treated victims to the very end, Aleppo was not a free or just place under the rebels. Nor was Eastern Ghouta.

Among the many things one does not see in these films are the Syrians on the other side. There, the suffering was different—there were no barrel bombs—but often equally brutal. In regime-held Aleppo in 2017, I met a man who had lost forty-five male members of his extended family. So many regime soldiers, the vast majority of them conscripts, have been killed that you scarcely see any young men in Damascus.

Even the sparks of hope that preceded the war—the dream of revolution that Sama’s parents risked her life for—is more complicated and divisive than it seems in these films. Most of Aleppo, for instance, did not want the revolution. When other Syrian cities erupted in revolt in 2011, Aleppo stayed quiet. It was a commercial town, celebrated for its maze of medieval markets, and most local people seemed unwilling to risk a bloody confrontation with the regime. The revolt was imposed from outside in 2012, when an Islamist group from the countryside called Liwa al-Tawhid took much of the city by storm.

After that, Aleppo was divided in two. Survival—even for civilians—often depended on adherence to fiercely exclusive narratives of either the rebels or the regime; traitors would be shot. Very little of Aleppo’s complex reality made it past the city gates. The regime had its own media, now widely echoed on RT, Russia’s state broadcaster, on which Kremlin stooges cast the entire Syrian rebellion as a terrorist plot. But the rebel narrative had far more influence in the West, and that is how the myth of a virtuous rebel enclave became so powerful.

The Cave and For Sama may also strike a nerve with US audiences because they flatter a penitential strain among many American liberals: the belief that what happened in Syria is a stain on the Western conscience. “I cannot believe the world allowed this to happen,” al-Kateab tells the camera. It is perfectly natural for Syrians, who were desperate for help from any side, to talk like this. But the way Americans heard it often amounted to a kind of narcissism, a belief that whatever was happening out there was a result of our own failure to intervene decisively. Perhaps America could have played a better role. It seems equally possible that the world—America included—was far too involved in what happened in Syria, and that foreign guns and money have only prolonged the country’s suffering.

The full truth about Syria—perhaps about any civil war—is very hard for the participants to bear. Perhaps that is why so many Syrians adhere to a fable that tends to absolve their own side. I know regime supporters who adhere to their own comforting myths: that the uprising was crafted by terrorists from the start; that Assad had to take strong measures to save the country.

The Cave and For Sama are remarkable documentaries and important contributions to a collective portrait of the Syrian tragedy. But it is important to remember that they are fragments, glimpses of a terrible war in which no side has a claim to righteousness.

Zasto bi ja gledao propagandu koju osmisljavaju likovi poput Harvey Weinsteina?

[salik79]

Sta znaci bio blizak? Kalve su to sad fore.. i ti si blizak asadu pa nisi mesar i zlocinac kao on.

Prico se i o nekim nepostojecim slikama pa ke to indirektno priznanje.

Kojim, ba, nepistojecim slikama?! Onima gdje se nasmijesen i zagrljen slika sa koljacima maloga palestinca?! Je li te? Jesu li one nepostojece, ili sta? O cemu ti, uopce pricas?!

Pricam o tvojoj necovjecnoj diskreditaciji, kao jebo film, ovaj blizak koljacima.

Naravno da je jebo film koji je, u sustini, zinki(alkaida) propaganda. Umjesto da lika uhapse oni se fotografiraju s njim iintervjuisu ga.

[The 51st State]

Ovaj cetalj sto likujje nad sudbinom civila nek se ne javlja kad bjezanija krene u suprotnom smjeru.
Turci lagano bildaju snage za sljagu rezimu, zasad su neutralisali rezimsku avijaciju i pomalo daju vatrenu podrsku.uz jos nesto hardvera opozociji.

Mojne i ti ko kolega aldinjo. Pusti se četalja, pašćadi i sl. Nije to tvoj nivo.

Ovaj je bas provokator od pocetka, ne beri brigu drug nisam se slucajno obratio, samo cetalji i slicni mogu likovati nad onakvim slikama,

[Čitalac]

Erdogan je danas upozorio i pobunjenike, nekim čudom ove reči nisu privukle previše pažnje.

We have given a message to the opposition groups, in the region, that their undisciplined actions provide the regime with opportunity to attack/retaliate. We will not make any concessions anymore. We will not close our eyes to overreaction, bigotry and provocation of anyone.

[Nadzornik]

Ovdje jos samo Turci nedostaju...

[The 51st State]

Erdogan je danas upozorio i pobunjenike, nekim čudom ove reči nisu privukle previše pažnje.

We have given a message to the opposition groups, in the region, that their undisciplined actions provide the regime with opportunity to attack/retaliate. We will not make any concessions anymore. We will not close our eyes to overreaction, bigotry and provocation of anyone.

Spomeno sam to da je hts isto na tapeti indirektno, otezava mu poso.

[salik79]

Bezze je to odgovaranje pitanjem.
Treba biti iskren i kazati da je u pravu ovo u vezi tr i nusre.
Nusra je godinama u okruženju. Dovoljno je da tr zavrne pipu i najkasnije za dva do tri mjeseca nusra ne bi imala metka da opali.
Mit također može uraditi čuda sa komandantima koji ne žele da se integrišu u neke druge jedinice.

Problem je izgleda kako Turskoj nije u interesu da se odrekne nusre. iz kog razloga ne znam, možda se vode zabludom kao i naš uvaženi kolega:

Bez HTŠ opozicija bi bila nešto poput iračke vojske. 500 vojnika zauzme grad od dva miliona, a desetine hiljada vojnika onako se samo povuku.

Po njemu, narod je navodno u HTŠ-u prepoznao nekoga ko može da ih zaštiti, kao što je onomad prepoznao u ISIL-u.

18+
https://www.raqqa-sl.com/en/?p=286

Al', ovaj lik (raqqa-sl) mi je najjaci (isti nas savo) :




Svi su oni "osnivani" finansirani iz istih izvora, kako ovaj lik, tako i bijeli sljamovi i ostale ublehe.

[MorningStar]

Ayn al islam je ISISovo ime za Ayn al arab ili Kobane. Na kraju je isil ga preimenovao u ayn sehiid il nest tako jer su im udarne jedinice ostale nakon sto su ih ameri uzorali

Flashback:

[Nadzornik]

Svi su oni "osnivani" finansirani iz istih izvora, kako ovaj lik, tako i bijeli sljamovi i ostale ublehe.

Skim se ti raspravljas,moj Saliče,prostri informacije,izvore,slike,trenutna desavanja i vozi dalje,ne okreci se.

[Nadzornik]

Ove nevine vojnike ne treba nikada zaboraviti...
Masakar u Khaan Al-'Asal-u,oslobodjenom u trenutnoj ofanzivi SAA.