Izetbegovic

[black]

cudo bi bilo da Fair ne napise nesto neumjesno..poznati islamofob jedva doceka ovakve teme..kako te ba samo nije stid..i ev nek se izuzme vjera i sve kako te nije stid da mrtvog covjeka poredis sa prostitutkom...

[reaktor]

Koji infantilni i nepismeni komentari, nek nam Bog pomogne...

Alija je bio jedan od najnesposobnijih i najnaivnih politicara u Bosnjaka uopste. Mozda su njegove namjere bile casne, ali jednostavno covjek nije bio dorastao trenutku.

da mi je samo znati cemu si ti dorastao

[black]

..

[dr.]

Cak si jednom otisla tako daleko da si koristila knjigu ratnog zlocinca Biljane Plavsic kao argument protiv rahmetli Alije.

Jebes Biljanu!

Moze li Adil Zulfikarpasic ?

Izetbegovic je par puta pristao na podjelu Bosne

"Otvoreno da vam kazem, ja nisam dijelio to misljenje o Aliji Izetbegovicu, ali nisam htio ulaziti u diskusiju niti reci nista protiv Izetbegovica. Kazao sam da cemo ili ja ili Muhamed Filipovic prenjeti prijedlog i poruke gospodinu Izetbegovicu. Franjo Tudjman me je zamolio da ga odmah obavijestim o rezultatima razgovora u Sarajevu, te je dodao da je on spreman da udje u savez sa Slovenijom i Bosnom i Hercegovinom" - istaknuo je gospodin Zulfikarpasic koji kaze da je s Alijom Izetbegovicem o cijeloj stvari, zbog njegove zauzetosti, trebao razgovarati Muhamed Filipovic :

"Filipovic mi je javio nakon dva dana da Izetbegovic nece da ga primi, te da rekao njegovoj kcerci o cemu se radi. Nakon naredna dva dana rekao mi je da je dobio odgovor, ne znam je li direktno od Izetbegovica ili preko njegove kcerke, da Izetbegovic u takvu mogucnost ne vjeruje i da on ne zeli sudjelovati u separatnim razgovorima, jer je vjerovao da u pregovorima trebaju sudjelovati svi predsjednici republika. Ja sam bio duzan, nakon sto sam to doznao, obavijestiti i Pucnika i Tudjmana da mi, nazalost, nije uspjelo uvjeriti Izetbegovica. Ja nisam nikome rekao da Izetbegovic vjeruje u Armiju niti da on radi sto Armija hoce , jer ima neki savez s njima. Ali, ja sam osobno vjerovao da on ima neke garancije s njihove strane da se moze rijesiti pitanje samostalnosti Bosne i izlaska iz Jugoslavije na miran nacin s obzirom na to da je odbio ovu veliku mogucnost !"

Nakon toga dogodilo se ono sto se dogodilo .- kaze gospodin Zulfikarpasic i nastavlja: "I sada sam uvjeren da se sve moglo zavrsiti na miran nacin. Da su Slovenija, Hrvatska i BiH izasle sa zajednickom strategijom, Milosevic se ne bi usudio napasti sve tri zemlje odjednom. Nakon sto je spomenuti prijedlog propao, Slovenija je proglasila samostalnost" - kaze Adil Zulfikarpasic. "On (Alija) istice kako je stalno uvjeravao zapadne politicare, a osobito Amerikance da se BiH ne moze podijeliti. Onda su mi jednom prilikom vrlo visoki duznosnici americke vlade rekli: Gospodin Izetbegovic je par puta vec podijelio Bosnu, vec je par puta pristao na podjelu Bosne. Onda su mi, zaista, pokazali dokumente o tome, jer imali su potrebne dosije."

Sinoc su na FTV-u o Dejtonu govorili Silajdzic, hrvatski ministar vanjskih poslova Granic i Zubak.

Silajdzic koji je bio prisutan kada je Alija navodno dijelio BIH sa tudjmanom je demantovao te glasine i fino objasnio o cemu se radilo i da nikada, Alija, nije nekoj drugoj drzavi davao dio Bih teritorije. O Aliji se najpozitivnije izjasnio i hrvatski ministar Granic, ali i Kresimir Zubak. sto se tice citata iz sedmog izvora, 90% ih je do sada demantovano. Pogotovo je smijesno, kako su postojali "americki" dokumenti o podjeli BiH u kojima Alija Izetbegovic dijeli BiH. I Silajdzic i Granic su sinoc na TV forumu, FTV, rekli da su vec prije dejtona u Zenevi Amerikanci sa Velikom Britanijom i Rusijom napravili dogovor da po svaku cijenu, mora postojati RS i da omjer bude priblizno 50%:50%. Granic je jos rekao da kada su dosli u Dejton te dvije stvari su bile premise oko kojih se nije moglo razgovarati.

Nadalje sto se tice ovog podlog poredjenja Alije sa prostitukom na jedan hinjiski nacin, moram i ja reci, da sam vidio psa, kako lize svoje govno, pa me podsjetilo na pojedine licnosti na forumu...toliko.

[gavrilo]

fair... nedaj se

no pasaran...

[halo]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

Prenj mladi ali isto takoder jako nastrojen ljevicar koji pokusava da omalozava sve pozitivno o Bosnjacima
Obojica uobicajeno psuju Aliju i vrijedaju vecinu Bosnjake..a tamo je glavno ko ce Reisa Cerica izvrijedati ili reci sto gore o Bosnjastvu
Tako su uspjeli ne da baniraju samo mene..nego i par ostalih Bosnjaka koje sam znao sa drugih foruma..dok manjina..stalno dobija opomene..od takve administracije..koja je izgleda opcinjena Anti-Muslimanskom histerijom i vrijedanjem cak i Bosanskih sehida..koji su dali zivote za ovu zemlju

Iako imam Americki Pasos..cijenim i vise volim Bosnu nego Ameriku..dok kod njih je sve suprotno

Oni su faca u tom dijelu casa..na tom forumu..gdje se mogu pretvarati kao lafovi ili face..ali istina je drugacija u stvarnom svijetu
Njihova koncepcija individulizma je izgleda zamutila i onako im zamucene glave..pomutila im razum..koji je davno pomucen..



http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Ko tebi dade Americki pasos ti si dusu dao za Talibanskog pasosa poserm ti se usta ta seljacka idi bjezi jebo te Alija u supak

[risno]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

Prenj mladi ali isto takoder jako nastrojen ljevicar koji pokusava da omalozava sve pozitivno o Bosnjacima
Obojica uobicajeno psuju Aliju i vrijedaju vecinu Bosnjake..a tamo je glavno ko ce Reisa Cerica izvrijedati ili reci sto gore o Bosnjastvu
Tako su uspjeli ne da baniraju samo mene..nego i par ostalih Bosnjaka koje sam znao sa drugih foruma..dok manjina..stalno dobija opomene..od takve administracije..koja je izgleda opcinjena Anti-Muslimanskom histerijom i vrijedanjem cak i Bosanskih sehida..koji su dali zivote za ovu zemlju

Iako imam Americki Pasos..cijenim i vise volim Bosnu nego Ameriku..dok kod njih je sve suprotno

Oni su faca u tom dijelu casa..na tom forumu..gdje se mogu pretvarati kao lafovi ili face..ali istina je drugacija u stvarnom svijetu
Njihova koncepcija individulizma je izgleda zamutila i onako im zamucene glave..pomutila im razum..koji je davno pomucen..



http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Ko tebi dade Americki pasos ti si dusu dao za Talibanskog pasosa poserm ti se usta ta seljacka idi bjezi jebo te Alija u supak

Nit imam americki pasos nit sam ja to napisao, samo kopirao sa te adrese.

Ajd necu Fair Life da se spustam na tvoj nivou, kad nemas muda da se upises pod tvojim nickom.

[halo]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

Prenj mladi ali isto takoder jako nastrojen ljevicar koji pokusava da omalozava sve pozitivno o Bosnjacima
Obojica uobicajeno psuju Aliju i vrijedaju vecinu Bosnjake..a tamo je glavno ko ce Reisa Cerica izvrijedati ili reci sto gore o Bosnjastvu
Tako su uspjeli ne da baniraju samo mene..nego i par ostalih Bosnjaka koje sam znao sa drugih foruma..dok manjina..stalno dobija opomene..od takve administracije..koja je izgleda opcinjena Anti-Muslimanskom histerijom i vrijedanjem cak i Bosanskih sehida..koji su dali zivote za ovu zemlju

Iako imam Americki Pasos..cijenim i vise volim Bosnu nego Ameriku..dok kod njih je sve suprotno

Oni su faca u tom dijelu casa..na tom forumu..gdje se mogu pretvarati kao lafovi ili face..ali istina je drugacija u stvarnom svijetu
Njihova koncepcija individulizma je izgleda zamutila i onako im zamucene glave..pomutila im razum..koji je davno pomucen..



http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Ko tebi dade Americki pasos ti si dusu dao za Talibanskog pasosa poserm ti se usta ta seljacka idi bjezi jebo te Alija u supak

Nit imam americki pasos nit sam ja to napisao, samo kopirao sa te adrese.

Ajd necu Fair Life da se spustam na tvoj nivou, kad nemas muda da se upises pod tvojim nickom.

sory

[gavrilo]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Hroničarima bosanskohercegovačkih događaja svakako je u sećanju poruka predsednika Predsedništva BiH i predsednika Stranke demokratske akcije Alije Izetbegovića, izrečena 16. septembra 1990. godine u Velikoj Kladuši.

- Bosna neće ostati u krnjoj Jugoslaviji, a bude li trebalo, njenu samostalnost branićemo i oružjem - poručio je, ili tačnije rečeno, zapretio je tada Izetbegović.

Zajedno sa svojim tadašnjim hrvatskim političkim saveznicima - Hrvatskom demokratskom zajednicom BiH - Izetbegović je odbacio predlog SDS-a da se u Skupštinu BiH, posle prvih višestranačkih izbora održanih u novembru 1990. godine, uvede Veće naroda.

SDS i Srpski pokret obnove uzalud su objašnjavali da bi Veće naroda odlučivalo konsenzusom o vitalnim nacionalnim interesima Srba, Hrvata i muslimana. Na taj način bio bi sprečen svaki pokušaj dovođenja jednog od naroda u podređen položaj.


U julu 1991. godine, Izetbegović izjavljuje da će muslimani, u slučaju sukoba Srba i Hrvata, stati na stranu ovih drugih.
.
.
.
Srpski članovi Predsedništva BiH Plavšićeva i pokojni dr Nikola Koljević, obelodanjuju 11. avgusta 1991. da se privremeno povlače iz kolektivnog šefa šefa republike. NJihov gest dr Koljević obrazlaže sledećim rečima:
- Ni posle osam meseci od konstituisanja, nije donet Poslovnik o radu Predsedništva. Izetbegović je privatizovao Predsedništvo - ne zna se ko ga zamenjuje kad je odsutan, ko zakazuje sednice, najvažnije odluke donose se preglasavanjem…

Plavšićeva i Koljević glasali su 19. decembra 1991. godine protiv ponovnog izbora Izetbegovića za predsedavajućeg Predsedništva BiH. Na toj sednici Predsedništva, muslimansko-hrvatska koalicija usmerila je BiH ka ratnom požaru: zatražili su od Evropske zajednice da prizna nezavisnost BiH.

Ova odluka doneta je takođe preglasavanjem Plavšićeve i Koljevića, iako je Poslovnikom o radu Predsedništva BiH usvojenog 13. decembra, bilo određeno da se o pitanjima koja se odnose na nacionalnu ravnopravnost odlučuje konsenzusom.

- Jasno je da je pitanje karaktera države ono koje, među prvima, mora ući u sferu konsenzualnog odlučivanja - objašnjavali su tada Plavšićeva i Koljević.
Uz to, Plavšićeva je upozorila i na sledeće:
- Ni po važećem ni po nacrtu budućeg Ustava BiH se ne može izdvojiti iz Jugoslavije bez pristanka srpskog naroda. Smatramo da bi traženje nezavisnosti za BiH zaoštrilo krizu u Republici, koja se mirnim putem može rešiti samo na najavljenoj konferenciji tri nacionalne zajednice.

Međunarodna konferencija, o kojoj je govorila Plavšićeva, počela je 21. februara 1992. godine u Lisabonu. Posredovala je Evropska zajednica, koju je predstavljao portugalski diplomata Hozea Kutiljero.
- Buduća BiH će morati uvažiti etničke razloge u svojoj unutrašnjoj organizaciji - izjavio je u Lisabonu šef muslimanskog pregovaračkog tima Alija Izetbegović, komentarišući pristanak sve tri strne na kantonizaciju BiH na etničkom principu.

- Tri strane su se bile složile o principima plana. Možda je Izetbegović u početku bio kolebljiv da ih prihvati, ali je to kasnije učinio - izjavio je Kutiljero, ističući da bi rat u BiH bio zaustavljen još 1992. godine da muslimanska strana, naknadno, nije odustala od njegovog plana.

- Svi su bili za plan… Ali, u određenom trenutku, muslimanska strana rekla je da više ne prihvata principe plana… Verovatno je Izetbegovićeva strana smatrala da kasnije može postići bolji dogovor, pa su se povukli iz pregovora - rekao je sarajevskom "Oslobođenju" Kutiljero.

Zbog čega je Izetbegović odustao od "Kutiljerovog plana"? Odgovor na ovo pitanje ponudio je Stefan Halper, koji je u avgustu 1993. godine objavio tekst u kojem tvrdi da je bivši ambasador SAD u SFRJ, Voren Zimerman nagovorio Izetbegovića da odbaci "Lisabonski papir".

- Bila je to loša procena. Lisabonski papir uopšte nije bio loš - preneo je "Njujork tajms" Zimermanovu izjavu.
Možda je baš zbog te "loše procene" američki ambasador u Ujedinjenim nacijama Ričard Holbruk, krajem oktobra prošle godine, izjavio u Sarajevu: "Ponosan sam što predsednika Izetbegovića mogu nazvati prijateljem…"
.
.
.
Prva - odluka o formiranju Srpske Republike BiH (kasnije Republike Srpske) doneta je kao odgovor na zahtev Predsedništva BiH za priznavanjem nezavisnosti BiH. Kod donošenja ove odluke - suprotno Poslovniku - preglasani su srpski članovi Predsedništva BiH, Biljana Plavšić i Nikola Koljević.

Druga - Republika Srpska proglašena je u noći između 6. i 7. aprila 1992. godine, posle objavljivanja odluke Stranke demokratske akcije da definitivno odustaje od plana unutrašnjeg preuređenja BiH, odnosno, njene kantonizacije prema planu koji je napravio Žozeao Kutiljero.
.
.
.

Odluku o raspisivanju referenduma na kojem su stanovnici BiH trebalo da se izjasne jesu li ili nisu za njenu nezavisnost, Skupština BiH donela je bez srpskih poslanika. Srpski poslanici napustili su sednicu posle odbijanja predloga da, pre referenduma, Vlada BiH napravi etničku regionalizaciju BiH, koja bi bila potvrđena ustavnom deklaracijom.
Predlog da se napravi nova unutrašnja organizacija BiH dao je Muhamed Čengić, u to vreme potpredsednik Vlade BiH i potpredsednik SDA. Ovo je, u stvari, bio Izetbegovićev predlog. Videvši da muslimanski poslanici ne podržavaju ovu ideju, Izetbegović je napao - Čengića.
Referendum, na koji nisu izašli Srbi, održan je 29. februara i 1. marta 1992. godine. Na referendumu se izjasnilo 63,4 odsto građana, a za nezavisnost BiH glasalo je 62,68 odsto ili manje od dve trećine, što je bilo nedovoljno za menjanje ustavne pozicije Republike.

[risno]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Gavrilo sta mislis recimo da si Bosnjak i da pises takve teme na serbiancafe koliko bi dugo trajalo dok to izbrisu?

Ja samo napisem kako ste, odma izbrisu, cim vidu nick Bosnjak.

Budi srecan sto si u tolerantoj BiH.

[gavrilo]

October 22, 2003

OBITUARY OF ALIJA IZETBEGOVIC


Alija Izetbegovic, the leader of the Muslim faction in the three-cornered ethnic and religious war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1992-1995) died in Sarajevo on October 19 at the age of 78.

Izetbegovic was born in 1925 in the northern Bosnian town of Bosanski Samac into a family of impoverished Ottoman aristocrats (beys) whose identity was not “Bosnian” except as a social-geographic fact. His father, an accountant, moved the family to Sarajevo in the 1930s, where Izetbegovic completed his primary and high school education, and—after World War II—the law school.

A devout Muslim from his early years, Izetbegovic was 16 when Yugoslavia was invaded in 1941 and Bosnia-Herzegovina handed over to the newly-proclaimed “Independent State of Croatia.” Like many Muslims Izetbegovic avoided identifying himself either with the Ustasa regime and its anti-Serb atrocities or with the two resistance movements, Royalist Chetniks and Communist Partisans, whose rank-and-file was overwhelmingly Serb. He was sympathetic to the Nazi-sponsored campaign to assert a “Bosniak” Muslim identity, however, and in 1943 joined the Young Muslims, and organization sponsored by El Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, that provided thousands of volunteers for the 13th SS Hanjar (“sword”) division composed solely of Bosnian Muslims. Izetbegovic’s wartime activities earned him a three-year jail sentence from Tito’s victorious Partisans; that was not to be his last spell in prison, however.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s Izetbegovic was a well-known and respected figure among the Islamist-minded Muslim intellectuals. His reputation was enhanced by the publication, in 1970, of the Islamic Declaration, a pamphlet that earned him a second jail term some years later. The Declaration advocated Islamic moral and religious renewal, and political and armed struggle for the establishment of an Islamic polity: “The Islamic movement must, and can, take over power as soon as it is morally and numerically so strong that it can not only destroy the existing non-Islamic power, but also build up a new Islamic one.” Its author asserted the “incompatibility between Islam and non-Islamic systems. There is no peace or coexistence between the Islamic faith and non-Islamic social and political institutions.” Izetbegovic´’s disdain for “Western” values was particularly evident in his dismissal of the Kemalist tradition: “Turkey as an Islamic country used to rule the world; Turkey as an imitation of Europe is a third-rate country the like of which there is a hundred in the world.” He accepts the “achievements of Euro-American civilization”, but only in the sphere of “science and technology.” True to the shari’a-based “Pact of Umar,” he allows that the non-Muslims may have religious rights within an Islamic state—but only “on condition that they are loyal.” His goal is umma, the creation of a single Muslim polity, “religious, cultural and political, since “Islam is not a nationality, but it is the supra-nationality of this community.” This “united Islamic community” will rang “from Morocco to Indonesia.”

Izetbegovic came to national prominence as a political leader of Bosnia’s Muslims in early 1990, when the break-up of the League of Communists set the stage for multi-party elections in Yugoslavia’s six federal republics. In Bosnia-Herzegovina dozens of new parties came into being, but only three of them mattered—all three organized firmly along ethnic, that is, national-confessional lines. The Muslims led the field with the establishment, in March 1990, of Stranka Demokratske Akcije - SDA (Party of Democratic Action), with Izetbegovic at its helm. At first some Muslims expected that the SDA could represent the interests of their community without becoming “Islamist,” but Izetbegovic firmly promoted a clerical line. One of the founders of the SDA, Adil Zulfikarpasic´, who wanted the party to be “a civic, liberal organization,” was sharply rebuked by Izetbegovic´, who told him that “five hundred imams” would play a key role in it.

At the first multiparty election (fall 1990) the three nationalist parties were absolute winners. In the Assembly in Sarajevo, of 240 seats the Muslim SDA won 86 seats, the Serb SDS took 72 seats and the Croat HDZ 44. The three parties soon agreed on a power-sharing arrangement. Izetbegovic´ was elected President of a seven-member, multi-ethnic rotating presidency; a Croat took the post of prime minister and a Serb the presidency of the Assembly.

Those three parties represented real, traditional national diversity as against a Yugoslav-Titoist synthetic, composite identity. After almost five decades of Communism this was a blast of fresh air; it was not necessarily the precursor of war. It was a natural response to the decay of communist authority. Had Yugoslavia not been breaking up in 1991-92, this emphasis on traditional identities would have passed as a natural democratic readjustment to reality. The parties representing Serbs, Croats, and Muslims were not simply in coalition; they were natural allies while Bosnia remained at peace—although they would become just as natural enemies if Yugoslavia were to fall apart.

Izetbegovic was a man of strong character and deep convictions. He was a sincere opponent of secularism and an advocate of Shari’a law and political Islam. But while he was a pan-Islamist in global terms, once he assumed the Presidency he started acting locally as a strictly “Bosniak” nationalist, claiming, for instance, that the Muslims were a nation with a separate language. He also asserted that for “almost a thousand years Bosnia has existed as a distinct political entity.” While devoid of any basis in reality, this claim was meant to foster Bosnian-Muslim nationalist identity. At the same time he presented a pluralist face to the West, using the rhetoric of of multi-ethnic and multi-confessional coexistence. The Islamic Declaration was reprinted in Sarajevo in 1990 with Izetbegovic’s approval, indicating that he had not abandoned the positions klix back to 1970 or even earlier. The Serbs and Croats of Bosnia have been censured by some media in the West for insisting that Izetbegovic should be taken seriously as an Islamist. In fact there is no community in Europe where such opinions as his would not cause extreme concern.

Izetbegovic faced a dilemma after the elections of 1990 regarding the future constitutional arrangements for Yugoslavia, and Bosnia’s place in it. Earlier in that year nationalist forces had already triumphed in Slovenia and Croatia. In December Slobodan Milosÿevic´’s Socialist Party of Serbia gained an overwhelming victory in Serbia’s elections. The media in different federal republics had been busy pursuing openly nationalist themes, and the politicians were never far behind. In the referendum held in December 1990 the Slovenes voted for an independent and sovereign state. By March 1991 Slovenia was no longer sending conscripts to the federal army.

On 25 June 1991 Slovenia and Croatia declared independence, a move that triggered off a short war in Slovenia and a sustained conflict in Croatia. These events had profound consequences on Bosnia and Herzegovina, that “Yugoslavia in miniature.” The three parties managed for most of 1991 to cooperate in the power-sharing exercise, but by the end of that year they all had their separate agendas and concerns. The Serbs adamantly opposed the idea of Bosnian independence. The Croats predictably rejected any suggestion that Bosnia and Herzegovina remains within a Serb-dominated rump Yugoslavia. As for Izetbegovic´, already in September 1990 he argued that Bosnia-Herzegovina should also declare independence if Slovenia and Croatia secede: “If necessary, the Muslims will defend Bosnia with arms.” The moment that Izetbegovic declared he would not remain in a Yugoslavia without Croatia he made the Republic a hostage to events outside its boundaries, and war became a near-certainty. On 27 February 1991 he went a step further by declaring in the Assembly: “I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia-Herzegovina, but for that peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty.”

Rising inter-ethnic tensions in the summer of 1991 were aggravated by Izetbegovic´’s burgeoning contacts with the Islamic world. In July 1991, during a visit to Turkey, he put in a request for Bosnia to join the Organization of Islamic Countries—without consulting his coalition partners, and in spite of the fact that it had a Muslim plurality, but certainly not a majority.

Some Muslims were concerned by what they perceived as Izetbegovic’s fatalistic acceptance of huge risks in pursuit of independence. Zulfikarpasÿic´ went to see Izetbegovic´ in mid-July 1991, and obtained his agreement that he should contact the Serb leaders and negotiate with them on future constitutional arrangements. The result was “the Belgrade Initiative” providing for a Serb-Muslim power sharing arrangement. It was immediately rejected by Izetbegovic´, however. To this day, Zulfikarpasÿic´ remains convinced that a unique chance to secure peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina had been lost, and he places the responsibility firmly on Izetbegovic.

A key development that escalated tensions occurred during the night of October 14-15, when Izetbegovic's deputies joined forces with the Bosnian-Croat HDZ to push through the Assembly a “memorandum” proclaiming sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, paving the way for its formal secession from Yugoslavia. The vote was taken in spite of Serb protests, SDS deputies having walked out, and by a simple majority although two-thirds of deputies' votes were required by the Constitution. By that time the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina had become internationalized. In September the EC organized a peace conference under the chairmanship of Lord Carrington. Attached to the Conference was an arbitration commission headed by the French constitutional lawyer Robert Badinter who was to rule on recognition claims by Yugoslav republics. At that time it was assumed that any recognition of former republics would follow an overall Yugoslav settlement. On 29 November Badinter ruled that Yugoslavia was in a state of “dissolution”, rather than an existing country from which republics were seceding. This was a controversial opinion, and it pushed Bosnia closer to war. By the same yardstick applied by Badinter, it could be argued that Bosnia itself was as deeply in the process of “dissolution.”

On 23 December Germany jumped the gun and recognized the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. On 9 January 1992 the Bosnian Serbs responded by announcing the formation of an autonomous Serb Republic within Bosnia and Herzegovina, warning that they would secede if Bosnia were to proclaim independence. The Croat-Muslim coalition in the Bosnian Assembly nevertheless decided, on 25 January, that a referendum on independence would be held at the end of February. This vote was taken, as in October 1991, in disregard of the Serb opposition, and in violation of Bosnia's constitution.

The referendum on independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina took place on 29 February and 1 March. The Serbs duly boycotted it, determined not to become a minority in an independent, Muslim-dominated Bosnia- Herzegovina. In the end 62.68 percent of all voters opted for independence, overwhelmingly Muslims and Croats; but even this was short of the two-thirds majority required by the constitution. This did not stop the rump government of Izetbegovic´ from declaring independence on 3 March.

Simultaneously one last attempt was under way to save peace. The Portuguese foreign minister José Cutileiro—Portugal holding at that time the EC Presidency—organized a conference in Lisbon attended by Izetbegovic, Karadzic, and the Croat leader Mate Boban. The talks went surprisingly well at first, and the three parties agreed that Bosnia-Herzegovina should be a single, independent state internally organized on the basis of ethnic regions—the so-called “cantonization.” The breakthrough was due to the Bosnian Serbs' acceptance of a single, independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, provided that the Muslims give up on a centralized, unitary state. Izetbegovic appeared to accept that this was the best deal he could make, but soon he was to change his mind.

Just as Germany had recklessly pushed for early recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in December 1991, the United States played a key role in the recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina three months later. It has been suggested that the U.S. actively encouraged Izetbegovic´ to reject the EC-sponsored Lisbon plan. The key event was the meeting in Sarajevo between Izetbegovic´, who had recently returned from Lisbon but was already criticizing the agreement reached there, and Warren Zimmermann, the US Ambassador in Yugoslavia. The American view, according to Zimmermann, was that “a Serbian power grab” might be prevented by internationalizing the problem. So when Izetbegovic said that he did not like the Lisbon agreement, Zimmerrmann remembered later, “I told him, if he didn’t like it, why sign it?” A high-ranking State Department official subsequently admitted to The New York Times that the US policy “was to encourage Izetbegovic´ to break with the partition plan.”

Once he knew that American recognition of independence was imminent, Izetbegovic had no motive to take the ongoing EC-brokered talks seriously. Only had Washington and Brussels insisted on an agreement on the confederal-cantonal blueprint as a precondition for recognition, he could have been induced to support the Cutileiro plan. But after his encounter with Zimmermann Izetbegovic felt authorized to renege on tripartite accord, and he believed that the Clinton administration would come to his assistance to enforce the independence of a unitary Bosnian state. José Cutileiro was embittered by the US action, and accused Izetbegovic of reneging on the agreement. Had the Muslims not done so, Cutiliero concludes, “the Bosnian question might have been settled earlier, with less loss of life and land.”

More than a decade later it cannot be denied that Izetbegovic’s role in Bosnia’s descent to war was crucial. In early 1992 most Muslims were prepared to accept a compromise that would fall short of full independence—especially if full independence risked war—but Izetbegovic demanded a leap in the dark. His motive was less fear of being left “alone” in Yugoslavia with the Serbs than the pressure that was put on him first by the German government acting unilaterally, then by the EC following his lead, and finally by the Clinton administration. Had the pressure been the other way, it is scarcely possible to doubt that Izetbegovic’s choice would have been more cautious - even if we see him as tempted by Islamist ambition. And if Bosnia had stayed inside Yugoslavia, it is plain that the Serbs would not have fought. Milosevic would have had no mechanism for controlling the republic. The wars in Yugoslavia would have ended with the cease-fire in Croatia of 2 January 1992.

Germany, the EU and the US, some of them perhaps unwittingly, handed Izetbegovic his strategy on a plate: to provoke the intervention of the powers that offered diplomatic recognition. The subsequent crimes of the warring parties, however severely they must be judged, were the consequence of a great, complex, and international blunder, they were not pre-existing strategies which explain Izetbegovic’s decision to secede.

The effect of the legal intervention of the “international community” with its act of recognition was that a Yugoslav loyalty was made to look like a conspiratorial disloyalty to “Bosnia”—largely in the eyes of people who supposed ex hypothesi that if there is a “Bosnia” there must be a nation of “Bosnians.” This was a major success for Mr. Izetbegovic’s political objectives, and a major disaster for all three nations that live in Bosnia—as well as for the interests of the United States in the Balkans.

Once the war started the Serbs had an edge in weaponry but the numeric advantage lay with the Muslims, who were able to win in the end with international help. Even before the first shots were fired, Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger made it clear that a goal in Bosnia was to mollify the Muslim world and to counter any perception of an anti-Muslim bias regarding American policies in Iraq. The subsequent portrayal in the American media of the Muslims of Bosnia as innocent martyrs in the cause of multicultural tolerance concealed the fact that the war was not only ethnic but also religious in nature. A few lonely voices in the U.S. warned that Izetbegovic did not want to establish a multiethnic liberal democratic society, but they were ignored. The U.S. Army Foreign Military Studies Office saw the situation more clearly than the politicians when it stated, in 1993, that ideal of multi-ethnicity “may appeal to a few members of Bosnia’s ruling circles as well as to a generally secular populace, but President Izetbegovic and his cabal appear to harbor much different private intentions and goals.”

The parallel demonization of the Serbs was a school text case of media-induced pseudo-reality in the service of an Administration that had decided to side with Islam in the Balkans. In a complex conflict with confusing and contradictory pieces, Americans were offered a powerful package that simplified the equation into a clear-cut morality play: saving the Muslims would thus expiate for not saving the Jews of Warsaw or Budapest fifty years earlier. Izetbegovic’s Western apologists dismissed his Islamic Declaration as a passing indiscretion “taken out of context.” The Parisian ex-communist “philosophe” Bernard Henry-Levy even declared that Izetbegovic’s policy “has been demonstrably against the establishment of an Islamic state.”

President Clinton was still in the White House, however, when a classified State Department report warned that the Muslim-controlled parts of Bosnia were a safe haven for Islamic terrorism and that hundreds of foreign mujaheddin—who had become Bosnian citizens and remained there after fighting in the war—presented a major terrorist threat to Europe and the United States. The findings of the report were summarized in the words of a former State Department official: Bosnia was “a staging area and safe haven” for Osama bin Laden’s terrorists.

The threat of Islamic fundamentalism in Europe finally persuaded the U.S. and other Western nations to oppose the presence of foreign mujahedeen in Bosnia as part of the November 1995 Dayton peace agreements, which specifically called for the expulsion of all foreign fighters. But Izetbegovic calmly circumvented the rule by granting Bosnian citizenship to several hundred Arab and other Islamist volunteers, thus ostensibly eliminating their “foreign” status before the accord took effect. By 1996 even The Washington Post—normally supportive of Clinton’s Balkan policy—confirmed that “the Clinton Administration knew of the activities of Bin Laden’s so-called Relief Agency, which was, in fact, funneling weapons and money into Bosnia to prop up the Izetbegovic Muslim government in Sarajevo.”

From that point on Washington had complained periodically and ineffectually to Izetbegovic about the continued presence of the mujahadeen in Bosnia, but to little avail. In 1999 the U.S. established that several suspects linked to Bosnia were associated with a terrorist plot to bomb the Los Angeles International Airport. Some months earlier an Algerian with Bosnian citizenship tried to help smuggle explosives to a group plotting to destroy U.S. military installations in Germany. The State Department tried to force his deportation from Bosnia, but only when the U.S. threatened to stop all economic aid Izetbegovic agreed to do so.

Izetbegovic stepped down in 2000, but he had prepared a cadre of Islamic hard-liners loyal to him. They were deeply embedded in Bosnia’s state structure, and to this day they are suspected of operating their own rogue intelligence service that protects Islamic extremists. In addition to being a terrorist base, Bosnia has become a staging post for illegal Muslim immigrants from the Middle East making their way into Western Europe. Most of them are economic migrants, but European officials fear that many terrorist operatives and their potential recruits are slipping in. In 2000 up to 10,000 migrants a month were smuggled through Bosnia to Western Europe. Senior Muslim politicians in Sarajevo were not interested in stopping this trade in human cargo, and they had no reason to try. To most of them, and especially to the political class nurtured on Izetbegovic’s ideology, it is a great and good thing to help as many of their co-religionists as possible settle in the infidel West.

In the aftermath of 9-11 no effective anti-terrorist strategy is possible without recognizing past mistakes of U.S. policy that have helped breed terrorism, starting with Dr. Brzezinski’s unholy alliance with jihad 14 years ago. Eight years of the Clinton-Albright Administration’s covert and overt support for Izetbegovic and his ilk have been a foreign policy debacle of the first order. Its beneficiaries are Osama bin Laden—since 1993 a Bosnian citizen, compliments of then-President Izetbegovic—and his co-religionists in Sarajevo, Tirana, and Pristina. If we are to take the War on Terrorism seriously, such blunders need to be recognized and rectified. Taking a long and sober look at Alija Izetbegovic’s political record and legacy would be an important first step.

[gavrilo]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Gavrilo sta mislis recimo da si Bosnjak i da pises takve teme na serbiancafe koliko bi dugo trajalo dok to izbrisu?

Ja samo napisem kako ste, odma izbrisu, cim vidu nick Bosnjak.

Budi srecan sto si u tolerantoj BiH.

da sam bosnjak i da pisem na serbiancaffe-u kriticno o aliji? hmmm... na ne vjerujem da bi me onda izbrisali

sala na stranu, imas dovoljno drugih, pametnih foruma, gdje su vecina korisnika srbi, tako da ne moras da ides na serbiancaffe.

a vjeruj mi, ni bosnjacki forumi nisu bas tolerantni prema nickovima kao sto su srbin, cedo itd

[risno]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Gavrilo sta mislis recimo da si Bosnjak i da pises takve teme na serbiancafe koliko bi dugo trajalo dok to izbrisu?

Ja samo napisem kako ste, odma izbrisu, cim vidu nick Bosnjak.

Budi srecan sto si u tolerantoj BiH.

da sam bosnjak i da pisem na serbiancaffe-u kriticno o aliji? hmmm... na ne vjerujem da bi me onda izbrisali

sala na stranu, imas dovoljno drugih, pametnih foruma, gdje su vecina korisnika srbi, tako da ne moras da ides na serbiancaffe.

a vjeruj mi, ni bosnjacki forumi nisu bas tolerantni prema nickovima kao sto su srbin, cedo itd

Jeste, al mi nismo slali specialne jedinice da streljaju maloletnike po Srbiji, ipak ima razlike.

Nije 1=2

[gavrilo]

Jeste, al mi nismo slali specialne jedinice da streljaju maloletnike po Srbiji, ipak ima razlike.

Nije 1=2

risno... pogresno vodis diskusije. ta prepucavanja oko zlocina, po mom misljenju, vrijedjaju najvise same zrtve. ja te zlocine nisam pocinio, a vecina srba je zgrozena radi njih.

zamisli da je tebi prigovaram nesto u vezi mudzahedina i kako su oni sjekli srbima glave i to sve u ime Alaha. pa onda uzmem te zrtve za moju argumentaciju.

vrijedjo bih tebe kao covjeka, zrtve kao ljude, nezavisno od toga kom narodu pripadaju i sve vjernike koji Boga nazivaju Alahom, pa i samog Boga.

mozda si ti inace dobar covjek... ali na diskusijama vrijedjas jarane

[Fair Life]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

(...)

http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Al' ste slozni "bracno i sestre". Svi ko chavke... u jedan glas. Niko od vas ni jedne rijeci da uputi risnom koji prosipa 'kletve' kao da sam... Salman Rushdi.

Ili niste ni primijetili... jer i vama je "kletva" dio "normalne" komunikacije sa neistomisljenicima.

Nego risno, prosiri svoje uske vidike... citaj. Za pocetak bih ti preporucio "Znanstveno-publicisticko stivo o tragediji bosanskog, prvenstveno muslimanskog naroda kroz povijest. Briljantna analiza uzroka tragedije bosanskih muslimana na vjetrometini vremena."



LaHgana za citanje... samo 400 grama.

[Toozla]

...ma Fair, on cita jednu te istu knjiku citav zivot i jos uvijek ne konta nista....dodatnih 400 g ce ga dovesti do ludila...
...gdje ce ti dusa....

[risno]

Evo par knjiga za one koji citaju samo Marksa i Engelsa, koji ne kapiraju da je komunizam mrtav.








http://www.harunyahya.com/other/downloa ... p?id=14180

Communism is Dead, Long Live Islam.

[Alfons Kauders]

Jes' ti fazooon...

[wandy]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

(...)

http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Al' ste slozni "bracno i sestre". Svi ko chavke... u jedan glas. Niko od vas ni jedne rijeci da uputi risnom koji prosipa 'kletve' kao da sam... Salman Rushdi.

Ili niste ni primijetili... jer i vama je "kletva" dio "normalne" komunikacije sa neistomisljenicima.

Nego risno, prosiri svoje uske vidike... citaj. Za pocetak bih ti preporucio "Znanstveno-publicisticko stivo o tragediji bosanskog, prvenstveno muslimanskog naroda kroz povijest. Briljantna analiza uzroka tragedije bosanskih muslimana na vjetrometini vremena."



LaHgana za citanje... samo 400 grama.

Ja mislim da bi se ti trebo izvinuti risnom i ostalim Bosnjacima na forumu zbog vrijedanja rahmetli Alije Izetbegovica.

I nek tvoja raja cita komuniste.Meni je poznato da su cetnici koji su presli u partizane poslje dobijali penzije.Nema veze sto su klali Bosnjake pa poslje prelazili u partizane.Koliko je od njih odgovaralo za zlocine pocinjenim na Bosnjacima?

[Alfons Kauders]

Ma pusti tamo im je glavni neki ''Dario''predstavlja se kao Bosnjak ili on rece katolik Bosnjak..vrijeda islam..maltretira Bosnjake..pravi sprdacinu od Bosnjaka..narod koji je zrtvovan kroz stoljeca ..on je tamo glavna faca Admin

Glavni junaci tog foruma je Fair Life ili Liar bolje receno..stara komunisticka garda..koji drvlja i kamenje osipa po Bosnjacima..tako siledzijski..da me je sramota da je on i ''Musliman''

(...)

http://p083.ezboard.com/fbalkansbosnahe ... =902.topic

Al' ste slozni "bracno i sestre". Svi ko chavke... u jedan glas. Niko od vas ni jedne rijeci da uputi risnom koji prosipa 'kletve' kao da sam... Salman Rushdi.

Ili niste ni primijetili... jer i vama je "kletva" dio "normalne" komunikacije sa neistomisljenicima.

Nego risno, prosiri svoje uske vidike... citaj. Za pocetak bih ti preporucio "Znanstveno-publicisticko stivo o tragediji bosanskog, prvenstveno muslimanskog naroda kroz povijest. Briljantna analiza uzroka tragedije bosanskih muslimana na vjetrometini vremena."



LaHgana za citanje... samo 400 grama.

Ja mislim da bi se ti trebo izvinuti risnom i ostalim Bosnjacima na forumu zbog vrijedanja rahmetli Alije Izetbegovica.

I nek tvoja raja cita komuniste.Meni je poznato da su cetnici koji su presli u partizane poslje dobijali penzije.Nema veze sto su klali Bosnjake pa poslje prelazili u partizane.Koliko je od njih odgovaralo za zlocine pocinjenim na Bosnjacima?

Fair, meni se mojne izvinjavat, halalim...

[risno]

Al' ste slozni "bracno i sestre". Svi ko chavke... u jedan glas. Niko od vas ni jedne rijeci da uputi risnom koji prosipa 'kletve' kao da sam... Salman Rushdi.

Ili niste ni primijetili... jer i vama je "kletva" dio "normalne" komunikacije sa neistomisljenicima.

Nego risno, prosiri svoje uske vidike... citaj. Za pocetak bih ti preporucio "Znanstveno-publicisticko stivo o tragediji bosanskog, prvenstveno muslimanskog naroda kroz povijest. Briljantna analiza uzroka tragedije bosanskih muslimana na vjetrometini vremena."



LaHgana za citanje... samo 400 grama.

Ja mislim da bi se ti trebo izvinuti risnom i ostalim Bosnjacima na forumu zbog vrijedanja rahmetli Alije Izetbegovica.

I nek tvoja raja cita komuniste.Meni je poznato da su cetnici koji su presli u partizane poslje dobijali penzije.Nema veze sto su klali Bosnjake pa poslje prelazili u partizane.Koliko je od njih odgovaralo za zlocine pocinjenim na Bosnjacima?

Fair, meni se mojne izvinjavat, halalim...

Sto da se Srbin Srbinu izvine?

[No_Comment]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Gavrilo sta mislis recimo da si Bosnjak i da pises takve teme na serbiancafe koliko bi dugo trajalo dok to izbrisu?

Ja samo napisem kako ste, odma izbrisu, cim vidu nick Bosnjak.

Budi srecan sto si u tolerantoj BiH.

Najvise i jesu protiv Alije ovi koji nisu Bosnjaci a zive u multietnickom Sarajevu, Tuzli, Zenici...
Kada bi zivjeli npr. u etnicki ociscenoj Banjaluci ili zapadnom Mostaru mozda ne bi bili toliko ugrozeni i bolje bi se osjecali.

[gavrilo]

Sto da se Srbin Srbinu izvine?

majke ti ne se...

koliko si ti zrtvovao tokom rata a koliko fair?

fair... citajuci sta si sve prezivijo pocetkom rata i kako se opet trudis da objektivno gledas na ovu nasu usranu situaciju, za mene nisi covjek nego ljudina

[hadzila]

nesto o aliji sa druge strane... ovo samo citiram, da se razumijemo

Gavrilo sta mislis recimo da si Bosnjak i da pises takve teme na serbiancafe koliko bi dugo trajalo dok to izbrisu?

Ja samo napisem kako ste, odma izbrisu, cim vidu nick Bosnjak.

Budi srecan sto si u tolerantoj BiH.

da sam bosnjak i da pisem na serbiancaffe-u kriticno o aliji? hmmm... na ne vjerujem da bi me onda izbrisali

sala na stranu, imas dovoljno drugih, pametnih foruma, gdje su vecina korisnika srbi, tako da ne moras da ides na serbiancaffe.

a vjeruj mi, ni bosnjacki forumi nisu bas tolerantni prema nickovima kao sto su srbin, cedo itd

gavrilo,

Divno cetnicko stivo, nema sta. A ti, kako vidim, si jedan mali forumski cetnicki kurir tipa Bosko Buha. Internet cetnicic, nema sta. Ukoliko nam je nova tema terorizam i njegova prisutnost u BiH, onda zaista smatram da je tema fantasticna. U BiH pitanje terorizma je (ne)rijeseno 1995 sa Dayton-skim sporazumom, gdje je preko milionu barbaro-genocidnih bosanskih ortodoksa data takozvana drzava u drzavi rs. Pitanje blisko-istocnih terorista i njihove prisutnosti u BiH je smijesno i banalno neznacajno u poredenju sa cetnickim teroristima na podrucju rs i njihovom pristalicama i ostalim istomisljenicima, a znacajno je samo u knjigama napisanih od strane barbaro-cetnickih pisaca barbaro-cetnicke literature u cilju daljnjeg prosipanja cetnicke propagande. Obracajuci se na prethodne diskusije o Aliji I., ja mu uglavnom prebacujem sto nismo dozvolili ARMIJI BiH totalno istrebljenje i protjerivanje svih barbaro-cetnickih plemena, istomesljenika i ostalih im pristalica, sto je, u stvari, paradoks, jer Alija I. je upravo taj koji svojom plemenitoscu i postenjem nije dozvolio genocidna djelovanja naspram glavnih pocinitelja genocida nad Bosancima islamske vjeroispovijesti, i ujedno time zapravo pokazao i dokazao sustinsku razliku izmedju cistog islama i agresivnog i pokvarenog krscanstva bosanskih susjeda. Ja mu to zamjerim, iako se divim snazi i djelu Alije I., koji, u jednom takvom periodu vremena, gdje bi vjerovatno vecina na njegovom mjestu, poklekla i radila one iste plansko-genocidne stvari koje su njima radjene, to jest svetila se za onaj uzas koji im je ucinjen, je ostao pribran i razuman do kraja. To je, u stvari, velicina Alije I., Bosne i Islama kao pojave, a pogubna tragedija neprijatelja BiH, a i onih ostalih koji to ne vide i misle drugacije. To je sustina BiH, njene pojave i sustinske egzistencije kroz historiju. Pa, mi smo ipak izasli kao pobjednici u ratu koji smo vodili na dva fronta, sa barbaro-cetnicima na istoku i sa isto tako, nista manje agresivnim ustasama, a morali smo voditi paralelnu propagandnu bitku i sa krscanskom Evropom i SAD u isto vrijeme, da bi njima, kao kriscanima pokazali ko je u stvari pravi terorista i kakvi su zapravo teroristi bosanski krscanski susjedi. I u tome smo uspjeli jer u stvari propagande nije niti bilo, vec istine. Danas, cijeli svijet, manje-vise zna ko su i sta su srbi, a to je porazno. Biti srbin danas nikako nije slavno, a nece biti za mnoga vremena, jer, kako kaze i jedna srpska izreka, dobar se glas daleko cuje, a los jos dalje. srbiji i bosanskim ortodoskima trebace mnogo, mnogo vremena i lijepih stvari i poteza da ucine naspram onih kojima su nevidjeno ali i bespotrebno zlo i bol nanijeli, da bi makar pokusali da izbrisu osjecaj ogavnosti koji se javlja pri izustavanju rijeci cetnik, a bogami i srbin, pred bilo kojim civilizovanim covjekom ove planete, jer vecinski se srbin tokom rata, a bogami i nakon njega nije oglasio kao kriticar, a kamoli protivnik cetnizma. to cetnicic gavrilo i sam potvrdjuje svojim malim ukradenim propagandno-lazljivim cetnickim stivom.

uvjeren sam da gavrilo nema sretne buducnosti kako u BiH, (ili gdje vec obitava) niti bilo gdje drugdje, jer je on gnjevan cetnicic ciji ortaci su zestoko ponizeni i porazeni pred celim covecanstvom. a gavrilo nece biti sretan ni kada sikne u nebo kao bozanski srbin, jer ni tamo mu nece biti mesta.

[dr.]

Jeste, al mi nismo slali specialne jedinice da streljaju maloletnike po Srbiji, ipak ima razlike.

Nije 1=2

zamisli da je tebi prigovaram nesto u vezi mudzahedina...

I sta onda? Mudzahedini su Arapi, a ne Bosnjaci. Prigovaraj Srbiji koja je napala BiH, pocinila genocid, i izazvala revolt kod arapa koji su dosli da se bore na strani Armije RBiH. Vec sam rekao da ih je bilo 0,023% u Armiji BiH, mnogo manje nego npr. grckih dobrovoljaca koji su se borili u "krstaskom ratu protiv muslimana u Srebrenici". Ima jos jedna razlika: o arapima je srpska propaganda svasta rekla, a o Srbima i placenicima Grcima i Rusima, pretezno strani mediji. Dobro je neko primjetio u svim filmovima koji se prave na zapadu, Srbi su opisano kao ubice, koljaci, psihopate, jer ih je tako vidio cijeli svijet. A Milosevic, i vi njemu slicni,
idalje prosipate pricu o Vatikansko-Mudzahedinskoj zavjeri...