Grcka dobrovoljci u Srebrenici

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Grcka dobrovoljci u Srebrenici

Post by IBM » 26/07/2007 17:22

Zanima me koliko ljudi ovdje je upoznato sa cinjenicom da su Grcki dobrovoljci ucestovali u Srebrenickom genocidu? i da su cetvorica grka odlikovani od strane Karadzica zbog toga te da je postavljena grcka zastava u srebrenici nakon njenog pada

Da li ste znali da je Premijer Kostas Karamanlis (koji je prije neki dan boravio u Sarajevu) u ljeto 1993. godine docekao Karadzica u Atini na proslavi koja je bila uprilicena u njegovu cast?

Postoji slike i video materijal oba dogadjaja. [/img]


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cyprus
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Post by cyprus » 26/07/2007 17:34

Ja sam upoznat i naravno da je ta činjenica užasna. Nemam namjeru bilo koga ili šta, samo molim ostale učesnike diskusije da se ne daju u masovnu generalizaciju.
Last edited by cyprus on 26/07/2007 17:54, edited 1 time in total.

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Post by danas » 26/07/2007 17:50

cyprus wrote:Ja sam upoznat i naravno da je ta činjenica užasna. Nemam namjeru bilo koga ili šta, samo molim ostale učesnike diskusije da se daju u masovnu generalizaciju.


rado :oops:

PS za sve zainteresovane, interesantno i poucno stivo...

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Post by pitt » 26/07/2007 17:54

danas wrote:
rado :oops:


Grk u vojnike ide :D

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Post by cheguevara_k1 » 26/07/2007 17:59

Bolje suti i ne spominji Grke, inace eto njih odmah da spomenu: Jordance, Afganistance, Pakistance i ostale... :)

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Post by GandalfSivi » 26/07/2007 18:02

Ako se dobro sjecam, ti su Grci kasnije pohapseni zbog ucetsvovanja u genocidu, ali ne znam sta je bilo sa njima na kraju...

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Post by Maja_XXX » 26/07/2007 18:52

U pitanju je bilo par vjerskih fanatika zbog kojih ni u kom slucaju ne treba generalizovati stvari...Meni su Grci super kao narod....

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Post by danas » 26/07/2007 18:55

Greek complicity in Bosnian crimes
by Takis Michas


Perhaps the most shocking part of the multi-volume, seven-thousand-page long Dutch report of the Srbrenica massacre - which led to the recent resignation of the Dutch government - is contained in the third volume. Entitled ‘Intelligence en de oorlog in Bosnie’,this volume deals with the involvement of foreign secret agencies and foreign powers in the war in Bosnia. Its author , Professor Cees Wiebes of Amsterdam University, has had for five years unrestricted access to the Netherlands intelligence community and to various foreign archives and the archives of the United Nations. Morever more than 90 foreign intelligence officials were interviewed for the project.

Aficionados of Greece's Balkan politics will find lots of interesting new material in the Dutch report, although it deals only with the years 1994-5. This was the period, however, when some of the worst atrocities were committed in eastern Bosnia, including the massacre of 8,000 Bosnians at Srebrenica in July 1995.

Greece's support for Milosevic's Serbia under the Mitsotakis government which ruled Greece in the early 1990's was restricted - notwithstanding the occasional breaking of the UN-imposed oil embargo - mostly to the symbolic level. However it seems that under the subsequent PASOK government of Andreas Papandreou , Athens' pro-Milosevic policies took a more sinister turn. As the report indicates, during that period Greece was not content with simply providing humanitarian assistance or even encouraging its oil tycoons to break the UN-imposed fuel embargo on Serbia. It also provided military assistance to the Bosnia Serbs and to indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic.

‘There were lots of weapons transferred from Greece’, Professor Wiebes told me in the course of a telephone interview, ‘to the port of Bar in Montenegro; from there they would find their way to the Bosnian Serb Army.’ The weapons consisted mostly of light arms and ammunition. Another aspect of Greek military assistance took the form of leaking NATO's military secrets to the Bosnian Serbs. ‘NATO officials were very reluctant to share intelligence with either the Turks or the Greeks’, said Professor Wiebes, ‘ because they were afraid that intelligence would leak to either the Bosnians or the Bosnian Serbs. At some point NATO simply stopped sharing intelligence with the Greeks.’

Equally interesting were the activities of a contingent of Greek paramilitaries who were fighting in Bosnia as part of the Drina Corps under indicted war criminal General Mladic. As it was reported at the time, this group of Greek paramilitaries were in close contact with the Greek intelligence agencies, providing the latter with info concerning military developments on the various fronts of the war. According to the Dutch report, the Greek paramilitaries took part in the Srbrenica massacre and the Greek flag was hoisted in the city after it had fallen to the Serbs. The report bases its findings on telephone intercepts of the Bosnian Serb Army provided by Bosnian intelligence. . ‘One of the intercepted messages’, Professor Wiebes told me, ‘was from General Mladic, who asked for the Greek flag to be hoisted in the city’ - presumably to honor the Greek lads.

The presence of Greek paramilitaries and the hoisting of the Greek flag in defeated Srebrenica were reported at the time by some Greek and foreign media. The Greek government, however, vehemently denied the allegations. Moreover, throughout the war in former Yugoslavia the Greek authorities ignored consistently the open and public recruitment of paramilitaries in Greece, who were going to fight against the UN-recognized legal government of Bosnia.

The Dutch report comes a few months after the revelation that Slobodan Milosevic had 250 (!) accounts in various Greek banks during the years 1992-6. The money was used to secretly finance Serbian military operations in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990's. The revelations were contained in a document from the United Nations War Crimes Tribunal, asking the Greek authorities to assist in opening the accounts. Throughout the 1990's the Greek banking authorities had repeatedly denied foreign press reports concerning the existence of Milosevic's secret funds in Greece, while leading Greek judges had publicly refused to cooperate with Carla Del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the Tribunal.

This comment was published in The National Herald, 13 May 2002. Takis Michas is a journalist living in Athens. His book Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia has just been released by Texas A & M University Press.
Last edited by danas on 26/07/2007 18:56, edited 1 time in total.

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Post by danas » 26/07/2007 18:56

Memory and oblivion: Greece's role in the Yugoslav wars
by Takis Michas


Last July, at a meeting of the Greek Center for European Studies (EKEM), Greek delegate to the EU Anna Diamantopoulou spoke about the bright future awaiting Greece in Europe. At the conclusion of her speech I asked Ms Diamantopoulou if the ‘bright future’ would also include the Greek politicians who contributed morally, financially, politically and - perhaps - militarily to the genocide in Bosnia. In her (tape-recorded) reply, the EU delegate stated that ‘the Greek standpoint was justified’.

Several months prior to the CES meeting, at a conference organized at the Athens Hilton, I posed a similar question to foreign minister George Papandreou. He replied that ‘one should look forward, not backward’.

If one agrees with Vaclav Havel's view that the quintessence of progress is the existence of a critical historical memory, then it is truly disheartening to hear such responses from two people who supposedly represent the modernizing project in Greece. For the grim reality is that a large segment of the Greek political, financial and ecclesiastical establishment bears part of the responsibility for the mass crimes committed by the Serbs in Bosnia under Milosevic, Karadzic and Mladic.

Specifically:

- Until the summer of 1995 (when the major massacres took place in Bosnia) Greek entrepreneurs, with the full knowledge of the governments (Mitsotakis - Papandreou), violated the UN Security Council oil embargo and supplied the Serbian and Bosnian Serb war machine with the necessary fuel. In one case, moreover, a Greek prime minister personally ordered police cars to accompany the fuel tankers so that they would not be stopped en route!

- Until Kostas Simitis's rise to power, the Milosevic regime maintained, in violation of European Union directives, 250 (!) bank accounts in Greece. Funds used to purchase the products necessary for the Serb war effort were channelled through these accounts.

- Throughout the war in Bosnia, Greek newspapers and TV stations openly engaged in the recruitment of Greek paramilitaries who participated in ‘battles’ - under Ratko Mladic - in which brutal crimes were committed against Bosnian Muslim civilians. Each time I brought this issue (in writing) to the attention of the Greek authorities the response was icy indifference.

- The Greek authorities (Papandreou period) provided a safe haven for members of Milosevic's secret services, who had been accused of murdering Kosovar Albanian activists in Europe, and who were being sought by Interpol.

- Top-level Greek politicians, entrepreneurs and clerics provided moral as well as material support to Radovan Karadzic despite the fact that he was accused of mass crimes in Sarajevo, Zvornik, Prijedor, Foca and elsewhere.

- The Greek governments (Papandreou - early-era Simitis) encouraged state investments in Bosnia that contravened the Dayton accords and encouraged Bosnian-Serb plans for the partitioning of the country.

These facts are just the tip of the iceberg and reflect publicly available information. (These issues are examined in detail in my book, Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia, Texas and AM University Press, 2002.) In addition, there are also serious indications that, throughout the war, Greece was providing various forms of military assistance to the Bosnian Serbs.

The time has come for the Simitis government to make public whatever information it has at its disposal. Not only because it is necessary that those who contributed to some of the worst crimes committed in Europe since World War II face the law, but also because in revealing those facts the government will convince everyone that the country has truly embarked on a new path.

Other Western countries have already begun a critical re-examination of some of their policies. In the Netherlands the role of the Dutch UN forces in the Srebrenica tragedy is being carefully scrutinized; in Great Britain the role of the Foreign Office and, in particular, of Lord Owen is under fire. And in the US questions are still being raised concerning the CIA's prolonged concealment of aerial photographs of mass graves in Eastern Bosnia.



Article translated from Eleftherotypia, 18 January 2002

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Post by danas » 26/07/2007 19:09

Maja_XXX wrote:U pitanju je bilo par vjerskih fanatika zbog kojih ni u kom slucaju ne treba generalizovati stvari...


par vjerskih fanatika :? :?

eto, sad smo saznali da se cjelokupna grcka politika prema ratu u BH, stav prema srbiji i RS-u, te ponasanje njihove zvanicne administracije... moze strpati u -- par vjerskih fanatika :lol: :lol: :lol:


:zzzz:

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Post by basta sljezove boje » 26/07/2007 19:53

a sta cemo sa Rumunjima koji su snajperima pucali po Grbavici? :-)

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Post by sarlo » 26/07/2007 20:02

Genocid nad Bosnjacima u Bosni (i Hercegovini) je bio organizovan i sproveden od strane pripadnika vise nacija. Nije slucajno sto su egzekucije u Srebrenici povjerene 10. specijalnom vodu (multietnickom) vrhovnog staba tzv vojske pc.
Od Miteranovog spustanja na Butmir poput kamikaze u julu '92 (da sprijeci Americke vazdusne udare) preko Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma (zapravo dogovora Rusija-Amerika) do gusenja skorasnje inicijative za izdvajanjem Srebrenice iz pc-a (inicijativu je direktno ugusio S.Tihic) i sprecavanje reforme policije kojom bi se ukinuo MUP pc-a kao glavnog operativnog stredstva kojim je izvrsen genocid ne toliko u Srebrenicu koliko u drugim gradovim (i u Sarajevo su koljaci iz cpbije po dolasku prvo morali da se prijave u stanice milicije gdje bi dobili raspored).
Genocid jeste bio planiran, zapravo to su "bile vise smjernice" i ostvareni su mnogi ciljevi. Bitni su bili i vodje i intelektualci koji su sve osmislili i "mali vojnici genocida"(lopovi, sverceri i drugi polusvijet, te povampirene "komsije").
Grcka vlada je dala veliki suport genocidnoj politici jugoslavije, mnoge organizacije i udruzenja gradjana su pomagali srpsku vojsku i danas djeca tih poginulih vojnika ljetuju po Grckoj na racun grckog naroda.
Njihovo prisustvo u Srebrenici u julu '95 (koja je bila vrhunac sve nesrece koja se spustila nad Bosnjacima) je vise simbolicko, da se krvlju neprijatelja zapecati bratsvo izmedju ta dva naroda)....
...velike rijeci i egzaltiranost,...volio bih da to nije tako..

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Post by IBM » 26/07/2007 22:44

@danas: vidim da si ti ovdje jedini u toku.

Helem, nije bilo "par vjerski fanatika" vec pripadnika raznih formacija od neo-nacista do clanova politickih partija koji su predstavili kako takis michas kaze " mainstream Greek opinion".

Btw. Ja sam krenuo prevoditi ovu knjigu "unholy alliance" tako da se moze ocekivat iduce godine.

Ja samo ne mogu da vjerujem nezainteresovanost BH novinara i politicara za ovu tematiku. Jedna holandska ekipa je snimila dokumentarac o ovome i ponudila BH televiziju medjutim oni su rekli da ih se " to ne tice". A ta novinarka- autor tog dokumentarca je zbog tog filma izgubila posao u Grckoj.

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Post by IBM » 26/07/2007 22:48

GandalfSivi Upisano: 26/07/2007 18:02
Ako se dobro sjecam, ti su Grci kasnije pohapseni zbog ucetsvovanja u genocidu, ali ne znam sta je bilo sa njima na kraju...




Jok. Niti jedan od njih nije ni saslusan a kamoli uhapsen. U junu 2005 godine nakon objave snimka "skorpioni", pokrenuta je istraga medjutim do dana danasnjeg , nema rezultata niti se zna u kojoj je fazi istraga.

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Post by suncokret13 » 26/07/2007 23:06

Grci,
Jordanci,
Afganistanci,
Pakistanci,
Alzirci,
Sirijci,
Iranci,
Rusi (kako se zvao onaj ruski pjesnik,koji je trazio inspiraciju s snajperom s vrha Trebevica ? )


jos malo pa ce biti k'o u spaniji 1938 - internacionalne brigade........jest' da je ovdje bilo par mudzahedina ( brigada,jal' divizija,jal' satnija...gore-dole ... koja stotina,ali su bili priznati kao REGULARNA VOJNA JEDINICA u sastavu armije BiH !?!?!?!?!?!? )

postoje i

''PSI RATA'' ..........

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SaraLe
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Post by SaraLe » 26/07/2007 23:31

suncokret13 wrote:Grci,
Jordanci,
Afganistanci,
Pakistanci,
Alzirci,
Sirijci,
Iranci,
Rusi (kako se zvao onaj ruski pjesnik,koji je trazio inspiraciju s snajperom s vrha Trebevica ? )


jos malo pa ce biti k'o u spaniji 1938 - internacionalne brigade........jest' da je ovdje bilo par mudzahedina ( brigada,jal' divizija,jal' satnija...gore-dole ... koja stotina,ali su bili priznati kao REGULARNA VOJNA JEDINICA u sastavu armije BiH !?!?!?!?!?!? )

postoje i

''PSI RATA'' ..........


Kako si samo zaboravila "PSE RATA" koji su dolazili iz Hrvatske :oops: :-)

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Post by IBM » 27/07/2007 00:06

suncokret13 (citat):
Grci,
Jordanci,
Afganistanci,
Pakistanci,
Alzirci,
Sirijci,
Iranci,
Rusi (kako se zvao onaj ruski pjesnik,koji je trazio inspiraciju s snajperom s vrha Trebevica ? )


jos malo pa ce biti k'o u spaniji 1938 - internacionalne brigade........jest' da je ovdje bilo par mudzahedina ( brigada,jal' divizija,jal' satnija...gore-dole ... koja stotina,ali su bili priznati kao REGULARNA VOJNA JEDINICA u sastavu armije BiH !?!?!?!?!?!? )

postoje i

''PSI RATA'' ..........



Nemoj zaboraviti, i Grcka Dobrovoljacka Garda je bila u REGULARNOM SASTAVU Drinskog Korpusa a i nemoj zaboraviti Prvi, Drugi i Treci Ruski Odred te Carski Vukovi
A pored rusa i grka bilo je jos i rumuna, ukrainaca ......

A na Hrvatskoj strani bilo je Njemaca, francuza, engleza.....prelistaj malo Soldier of Fortune iz 1992 i 1993 godine.

Pozdrav,

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Post by IBM » 27/07/2007 00:16

Reviewed by Panayote Dimitras (Greek Helsinki Monitor, Greece; and Central European University, Hungary),
---------------------------------------------------

Takis Michas' "Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milosevic's Serbia in the Nineties" is a "book combining personal observation, exhaustive investigation, humanitarian concerns and political analysis" (Samuel Huntington), "a courageous work" (Roy Gutman), a "devastating critique of Greece's reactive ethnonationalism" (Nicos Mouzelis) that "should be read not only by Balkan specialists but by all those interested in issues of nationalism and human rights" (Adamantia Pollis). This review fully subscribes to these back jacket comments.
Michas' book provides indeed compelling, irrefutable evidence that help explain the frustration of Zoran Mutic, an anti-nationalist Serb intellectual and translator of Greek literature in Serb-Croat. In September 1995, Mutic exclaimed: "When I hear so many Greeks -journalists, academics, politicians, intellectuals- expressing their admiration for Karadzic, what can I say? How can they consider as a hero a criminal, somebody who bombed hospitals, who placed snipers to kill kids on the streets?" Karadzic was honored in an open-air mass meeting in Piraeus, in the summer of 1993, attended or supported by all political parties, trade unions, media and the Orthodox Church: the handful of demonstrators who opposed the meeting were even arrested...

The convincing answers provided by Michas will make this book hard to swallow by the mainstream Greek political, media and intellectual establishment, notorious for its refusal to accept criticism and engage in self-criticism (as former socialist Minister of Justice Professor Michalis Stathopoulos has repeatedly said). It is expected that, if they decided not to ignore it, most of them will find harsher words for it than those of the former conservative foreign minister Michalis Papakonstantinou in the book's odd foreword: "Michas ... wrote the book ... more from the viewpoint of a human rights activist and critic trying to bring justice to the side he supports than that of an objective observer" (p. xi). Because indeed, in Greece, advocating for human rights, civil society, and, in the end, an open democratic society is perceived as a biased enterprise even by the most moderate members of the establishment, like M. Papakonstantinou. It is no accident that the book's author -like a few others with similar views- has more than once lost journalistic jobs for having expressed views that in most traditional democracies would not even be considered radical. Michas indeed starts the book with one such experience: losing his column in a financial daily, yet owned by a typical "globalization" entrepreneur, for having printed in April 1993 the bank account for support to the then hard-hit Sarajevo daily "Oslobodjenje" (pp. 3-4)...

Michas substantiates clearly at the outset the second part of the book's title: "what seemed incomprehensible during the Bosnia and Kosovo wars was not so much that Greece sided with Serbia, but that it sided with Serbia's darkest side" (p. 4). Indeed, the book provides a detailed documentation of how Greece sided with Milosevic and scorned the Serbian opposition even through 2000. It helps explain therefore how Greece also sided with Karadzic when the latter disagreed with Milosevic, and with the Pale Serbian-Bosnian self-proclaimed parliament when it rebuffed pleas by Greek Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis, Milosevic and Karadzic during the ill-fated effort to settle the Bosnian crisis early on in 1992. He is correct, moreover, to point out that this attitude was not inspired by politicians and/or media but was a bottom-up event. "Media people and politicians simply gave in to this overpowering popular demand" (p. 5). Michas correctly explains this attitude by the weakness of Greek civil society and the prevailing intolerance in the society at large, which is indeed a much worse situation than that of a "merely" intolerant state.

He attributes this characteristic to the prevalence to this very day of a militant and rather primitive form of ethnonationalism in Greece. In the end of the book, he develops this theoretical argument, and also explains the role of the Orthodox Church as a component of Greek nationalism; he looks for the roots of anti-Westernism and anti-Americanism of the left and of the right, a major element in Greek society's "irrational" attitude; and he recalls the consequent and continued persecution of dissident voices and refusal to recognize minorities, that go hand-in-hand with the prevailing intolerance. Many nationalism theorists may disagree with the author, or find some of his arguments rather weak: however, even here, it is the evidence he provides that is essential to the understanding of modern Greece, in this investigative piece that is not a rigorous academic study.

The book comes out at a time when the publication of the Dutch report on the events of Srebrenica has caused serious waves in the Netherlands and beyond. These waves have not reached Greece, though, a country that was rejoicing after the "fall" of Srebrenica in July 1995 at the hands of Bosnian Serbs and their allies, Greek paramilitaries. The latter in fact raised the Greek flag in Srebrenica after its capture: for those who may try to contest this fact, a photo is provided (p. 22), alongside another immortalizing the ensuing award of medals to the paramilitaries by Karadzic (p. 23). The other major indicted war crimes suspect, then General Ratko Mladic, was equally popular in Greece. So, when the Hague Tribunal indicted both of them, two million signatures were reportedly collected by the Greek-Serbian Friendship Association to oppose their prosecution. Another revealing part of the Dutch report on Srebrenica is the reference to the support of the Bosnian Serb army by the Greek (alongside Israeli and Ukrainian) secret services which provided them with arms and ammunition. Michas' book makes this look even more credible when it reveals that NATO military secrets on the August 1995 air strikes were passed on to Mladic on direct orders of then socialist Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou: the author's source is none other than Papandreou's personal intermediary with Karadzic and Milosevic, the -then and now-President of Greek-Serbian Friendship Association, who was carrying out the mission (pp. 38-39).

One would therefore not be surprised that Michas recalls also the refusal in Greece to condemn Serb atrocities in all recent wars and to accept that rapes were used as an ethnic cleansing weapon by Serbs; as well as the eagerness to refute any such allegations, and challenge the credibility of the Hague Tribunal or other international expert commissions, even by Greece's top human rights official. Besides, the book provides information on many business activities involving Greeks and Serbs to break the embargo against Serbia, acquire companies in Kosovo, launder Milosevic money, all that with full state support.

This phenomenon of "fundamental irrationalism," as Salonica-born leading French sociologist Edgar Morin called it, had its culmination in 1999 with the Kosovo bombings. A near unanimity of Greeks opposed them; almost all Greek media reported events along the official Serb government line; and anti-Americanism reached a new high during the same year's US President Bill Clinton state visit, which triggered unparalleled street demonstrations, quite unlike previous or later visits by a long list of communist or other authoritarian leaders.

In the end, Michas recalls how even the supposed pro-European Costas Simitis socialist government, and its foreign minister George Papandreou, tried to help Milosevic when, in October 2000, the Serbian masses and the international community demanded that he recognized his defeat by Vojislav Kostunica and stepped down: Milosevic's insistence that a run-off be held had one supporter, Greece -and personally even its foreign minister.

Another important contribution of the book is the account of the sustained efforts throughout the 1990s by Greek diplomacy to destabilize or at least to prevent the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia at all, or, later on, under its constitutional name. Afraid -correctly- that such a development would only make inevitable the acknowledgment that a Macedonian minority exists in Greece -which it does, but that is Greek society's major taboo-, these efforts included even exchange of views with Milosevic to "swallow up" Macedonia, perhaps within the context of a Greek-Serb Confederation.

Michas concludes the investigative part of the book with a related sarcasm: "Surely Milosevic feels sorry that he did not pursue this matter further. Had his plan for a Greek-Serb federation materialized, he might well have won the 2000 election. The majority of Greeks would have voted for him at any rate" (p. 106). How can one contest it, when his popularity rating in Greece, to the very end of his rule, was many times higher than that of all Western leaders and even than his popularity among Serbs? Or when a few hours after his extradition to the Hague, in June 2001, 79 of the some 100 Greek deputies present in Athens signed a petition opposing it and all other extraditions of Serbs to the Hague Tribunal?







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Re: Grcka dobrovoljci u Srebrenici

Post by _BosanaC » 27/07/2007 09:32

IBM wrote:Zanima me koliko ljudi ovdje je upoznato sa cinjenicom da su Grcki dobrovoljci ucestovali u Srebrenickom genocidu? i da su cetvorica grka odlikovani od strane Karadzica zbog toga te da je postavljena grcka zastava u srebrenici nakon njenog pada

Da li ste znali da je Premijer Kostas Karamanlis (koji je prije neki dan boravio u Sarajevu) u ljeto 1993. godine docekao Karadzica u Atini na proslavi koja je bila uprilicena u njegovu cast?

Postoji slike i video materijal oba dogadjaja. [/img]


Zato nam je Kosta dos'o u Saraj'vo i napraviJo od njega Metropolu jer nam je otvoriJo jos jednu zgradu :oops:

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Post by adonis » 27/07/2007 11:52

danas wrote:
cyprus wrote:Ja sam upoznat i naravno da je ta činjenica užasna. Nemam namjeru bilo koga ili šta, samo molim ostale učesnike diskusije da se daju u masovnu generalizaciju.


rado :oops:

PS za sve zainteresovane, interesantno i poucno stivo...

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Ima li gdje da se skine ova knjiga??

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Post by suncokret13 » 27/07/2007 14:39

.......jos malo kako je pocelo,ispast ce da su se ovdje borile samo internacionalne brigade..............k'o u spaniji 38 /39 godine.

a domicilno stanovnistvo im je sluzilo samo za odstrel.

nego ko je doveo strance u Bosnu ?


alija izetbegovic !

franjo tudjman ! ( boban )

slobodan milosevic ! ( radovan karadzic )



jeli prvi alija upropastio ideju jedinstve Bosne i Hercegovine ? ( koju je proklamirao u martu/aprilu 1992 godine )

da li je alija ISLAMIZIRAO armiju Bosne i Hercegovine ?

ko je PRODAO Srebrenicu ?

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IBM
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Joined: 26/07/2007 14:01

Post by IBM » 27/07/2007 16:25

@suncokret13 : Ovdje se bavimo konkretnim dokazima i tema je grcki dobrovoljci a ne Alija ili bilo ko drugi.

Cinjenica jeste da su i arapi i pravoslavni dobrovoljci dosli u BIH iz istih razloga a zavrsili na totalno drugaciji nacin . Naime velika vecina mudzahedina u BIH su vec protjerani ili su na spisku da u skorije vrijeme to bude ucinjeno. Delic u Hagu odgovara za zlocine mudzahedina.

A da li je ijedan pravoslavac( rus, grk...) odgovarao za zlocine nad Bosnjacima. JOK. nego jos uzivaju slobodu i u Atini pisu knjige .

To je ono sto me iritira double standards kuzis?

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IBM
Posts: 877
Joined: 26/07/2007 14:01

Post by IBM » 27/07/2007 22:08

Mrsko mi je stavljat slike pa ev vam video, neki ga grk napravio. Slike su grka u Bosni i na Kosovu.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kJKKLyREFsk&mode=related&search=

Will Nix
Posts: 35
Joined: 12/07/2007 01:34
Location: -=Zenica=-

Post by Will Nix » 28/07/2007 10:32

Image



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Ovi su pomagali da patnje sarajlija budu jos vece.

Will Nix
Posts: 35
Joined: 12/07/2007 01:34
Location: -=Zenica=-

Post by Will Nix » 28/07/2007 10:35

basta sljezove boje wrote:a sta cemo sa Rumunjima koji su snajperima pucali po Grbavici? :-)

A sta sa snajperistima iz njemacke koji su operirali u zap mostaru?

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