Da se ne zaboravi Pinochet 1915-2006

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water
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#1 Da se ne zaboravi Pinochet 1915-2006

Post by water » 11/12/2006 18:30

evo jos jedan za dzehenema

evo jedan osvrt da se podsjetimo


fighting words
Augusto Pinochet, 1915-2006
Farewell to the perpetrator of one of the most shocking crimes of the 20th century.
By Christopher Hitchens
Posted Monday, Dec. 11, 2006, at 9:04 AM ET



Just a short walk from my apartment in Washington, D.C., is the memorial at Sheridan Circle to the murdered Orlando Letelier, a Chilean exile and former foreign minister who was blown up by a car bomb in rush-hour traffic on Sept. 21, 1976. It did not take very long to establish that this then-unprecedented atrocity on American soil, which also took the life of a U.S. citizen named Ronni Moffitt, was carried out on the orders of the late Gen. Augusto Pinochet. Indeed, we have the testimony of his own secret police chief, Gen. Manuel Contreras, that such was the case. The U. S. Department of Justice has had an indictment for Pinochet, first drawn up by its Criminal Division during the tenure of Janet Reno, completed for some time. But the indictment has never been unsealed. The death of Pinochet is an occasion, among other things, for a moment to remember the many victims of his state terrorism and international terrorism and the deplorable way in which he managed to outlive their claims.

Pinochet ended up like Spain's Gen. Francisco Franco, with a series of deathbed farewells that were obscenely protracted and attended by numerous priests and offerings of extreme unction. By the end, Chileans had become wearily used to the way in which he fell dramatically ill whenever the workings of justice took a step nearer to his archives or his bank accounts. Like Franco, too, he long outlived his own regime and survived to see his country outgrow the tutelage to which he had subjected it. And, also like Franco, he earned a place in history as a treasonous and ambitious officer who was false to his oath to defend and uphold the constitution. His overthrow of civilian democracy, in the South American country in which it was most historically implanted, will always be remembered as one of the more shocking crimes of the 20th century.

His coup—mounted on Sept. 11, 1973, for those who like to study numinous dates—was a crime in itself but involved countless other crimes as well. Over the past decade, and especially since his arrest in England in 1998, these crimes began to catch up with him. Pinochet had arranged a lifetime immunity for himself via a lifelong Senate seat, as part of his phased withdrawal from power. But this deal was not binding on Spain, where a magistrate successfully sought a warrant for his arrest in connection with the "disappearance" of some Spanish citizens. That warrant from Judge Baltasar Garzón, served in London, was the beginning of the unraveling. By the time he returned to Chile, the general was faced with a newly aroused citizenry. I once went to testify in front of Judge Juan Gúzman, the magistrate who finally ordered him indicted and fingerprinted. He told me that he himself had been a supporter of the original coup and that he came from a conservative military family that had thought of Pinochet as a savior. It was only when he read through the massive and irrefutable judicial files, on murder and torture and kidnapping, that he realized that there was only one course open to him.

Probably the worst of these offenses was "Operation Condor," a coordination between the secret police forces of Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Ecuador, and Brazil. This network was responsible for assassinations of political exiles as far away as Rome (in the case of Christian Democrat Bernardo Leighton) and Washington, D.C. But within Chile itself, there were appalling cases of extra-judicial killing, secret prisons, and torture centers like the notorious Villa Grimaldi. Those decades in the Southern Cone were a nightmare that still seems like yesterday to millions of people.

There were those who used to argue that, say what you like, Pinochet unfettered the Chilean economy and let the Friedmanite breezes blow. (This is why Mrs. Thatcher was forever encouraging him to take his holidays and shopping trips in London; a piece of advice that he may well have regretted taking.) Yet free-marketeers presumably do not believe that you need torture and murder and dictatorship to implement their policies. I read Isabel Allende not long ago saying freely that nobody would again try the statist "Popular Unity" program of her uncle. But Salvador Allende never ordered anybody's death or disappearance; he died bravely at his post, and that has made all the difference. Meanwhile, a large part of Pinochet's own attraction to "privatization" has been explained by the disclosures attendant on the collapse of the Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., which revealed large secret holdings in his name. This, combined with the cynical delaying tactics that he employed to delay or thwart prosecution, made his name stink even more in Chilean nostrils while he was still alive.

It is greatly to the credit of the Chileans that they have managed to restore and revive democratic institutions without any resort to violence, and that due process was scrupulously applied to Pinochet and to all his underlings. But there is a price to be paid for the slowness and care of these proceedings. We still do not know all that we might about the murder of U.S. citizen Charles Horman, for instance. And many Chilean families do not know where their "disappeared" loved ones are buried or how they died. (Perhaps sometimes it is better not to know the last bit.) Not once, in the prolonged process of investigation and clarification, did Pinochet offer to provide any information or to express any conscience or remorse. Like Slobodan Milosevic (who also cheated justice by dying) and Saddam Hussein, he was arrogant and blustering to the very last. Chile and the world are well rid of him, but we can thank his long and brutish rear-guard action for helping us to establish at least some of the emerging benchmarks of universal jurisdiction for tyrants.

Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair. His most recent book is Thomas Jefferson: Author of America.

Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2155242/
Copyright 2006 Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive Co. LLC


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danas
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#2

Post by danas » 11/12/2006 18:32

brate vodeni :D
smijem li ovo shvatiti kao nod to the reds :D i kao blagu kritiku USA politike :oops:

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#3

Post by tempora » 11/12/2006 18:36

danas wrote:brate vodeni :D
smijem li ovo shvatiti kao nod to the reds :D i kao blagu kritiku USA politike :oops:
danas, nosis li ti pancir ? 8-) :D

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#4

Post by water » 11/12/2006 18:37

danas wrote:brate vodeni :D
smijem li ovo shvatiti kao nod to the reds :D i kao blagu kritiku USA politike :oops:
:lol: ja sam ti u sustini stara komunjara skoro pa spanski borac :D

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danas
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#5

Post by danas » 11/12/2006 18:40

tempora wrote:
danas wrote:brate vodeni :D
smijem li ovo shvatiti kao nod to the reds :D i kao blagu kritiku USA politike :oops:
danas, nosis li ti pancir ? 8-) :D
nosim bome :D
necu valjda da prodjem kao letelier i moffitt :oops:

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kekec
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#6

Post by kekec » 11/12/2006 18:40

Umro na Dan ljudskih prava.
Koja "slucajnost".

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danas
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#7

Post by danas » 11/12/2006 18:46

kekec wrote:Umro na Dan ljudskih prava.
Koja "slucajnost".
ma ja samo cekam da i kissinger crkne :oops:

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#8

Post by SherlockHolmes » 11/12/2006 18:48

nece on dok i ovaj vijetnam ne rijesi u svoju korist.

water
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#9

Post by water » 11/12/2006 18:58

danas wrote:
kekec wrote:Umro na Dan ljudskih prava.
Koja "slucajnost".
ma ja samo cekam da i kissinger crkne :oops:
evo dok cekas jedan iz arhive :D


politics
The Latest Kissinger Outrage
Why is a proven liar and wanted man in charge of the 9/11 investigation?
By Christopher Hitchens
Posted Wednesday, Nov. 27, 2002, at 6:36 PM ET


The Bush administration has been saying in public for several months that it does not desire an independent inquiry into the gross "failures of intelligence" that left U.S. society defenseless 14 months ago. By announcing that Henry Kissinger will be chairing the inquiry that it did not want, the president has now made the same point in a different way. But the cynicism of the decision and the gross insult to democracy and to the families of the victims that it represents has to be analyzed to be believed.

1) We already know quite a lot, thanks all the same, about who was behind the attacks. Most notable in incubating al-Qaida were the rotten client-state regimes of the Saudi Arabian oligarchy and the Pakistani military and police elite. Henry Kissinger is now, and always has been, an errand boy and apologist for such regimes.

2) When in office, Henry Kissinger organized massive deceptions of Congress and public opinion. The most notorious case concerned the "secret bombing" of Cambodia and Laos and the unleashing of unconstitutional methods by Nixon and Kissinger to repress dissent from this illegal and atrocious policy. But Sen. Frank Church's commission of inquiry into the abuses of U.S. intelligence, which focused on illegal assassinations and the subversion of democratic governments overseas, was given incomplete and misleading information by Kissinger, especially on the matter of Chile. Rep. Otis Pike's parallel inquiry in the House (which brought to light Kissinger's personal role in the not-insignificant matter of the betrayal of the Iraqi Kurds, among other offenses) was thwarted by Kissinger at every turn, and its eventual findings were classified. In other words, the new "commission" will be chaired by a man with a long, proven record of concealing evidence and of lying to Congress, the press, and the public.

3) In his second career as an obfuscator and a falsifier, Kissinger appropriated the records of his time at the State Department and took them on a truck to the Rockefeller family estate in New York. He has since been successfully sued for the return of much of this public property, but meanwhile he produced, for profit, three volumes of memoirs that purported to give a full account of his tenure. In several crucial instances, such as his rendering of U.S. diplomacy with China over Vietnam, with apartheid South Africa over Angola, and with Indonesia over the invasion of East Timor (to cite only some of the most conspicuous), declassified documents have since shown him to be a bald-faced liar. Does he deserve a third try at presenting a truthful record after being caught twice as a fabricator? And on such a grave matter as this?

4) Kissinger's "consulting" firm, Kissinger Associates, is a privately held concern that does not publish a client list and that compels its clients to sign confidentiality agreements. Nonetheless, it has been established that Kissinger's business dealings with, say, the Chinese Communist leadership have closely matched his public pronouncements on such things as the massacre of Chinese students. Given the strong ties between himself, his partners Lawrence Eagleburger and Brent Scowcroft, and the oil oligarchies of the Gulf, it must be time for at least a full disclosure of his interests in the region. This thought does not seem to have occurred to the president or to the other friends of Prince Bandar and Prince Bandar's wife, who helped in the evacuation of the Bin Laden family from American soil, without an interrogation, in the week after Sept. 11.

5) On Memorial Day 2001, Kissinger was visited by the police in the Ritz Hotel in Paris and handed a warrant, issued by Judge Roger LeLoire, requesting his testimony in the matter of disappeared French citizens in Pinochet's Chile. Kissinger chose to leave town rather than appear at the Palais de Justice as requested. He has since been summoned as a witness by senior magistrates in Chile and Argentina who are investigating the international terrorist network that went under the name "Operation Condor" and that conducted assassinations, kidnappings, and bombings in several countries. The most spectacular such incident occurred in rush-hour traffic in downtown Washington, D.C., in September 1976, killing a senior Chilean dissident and his American companion. Until recently, this was the worst incident of externally sponsored criminal violence conducted on American soil. The order for the attack was given by Gen. Augusto Pinochet, who has been vigorously defended from prosecution by Henry Kissinger.

Moreover, on Sept. 10, 2001, a civil suit was filed in a Washington, D.C., federal court, charging Kissinger with murder. The suit, brought by the survivors of Gen. Rene Schneider of Chile, asserts that Kissinger gave the order for the elimination of this constitutional officer of a democratic country because he refused to endorse plans for a military coup. Every single document in the prosecution case is a U.S.-government declassified paper. And the target of this devastating lawsuit is being invited to review the shortcomings of the "intelligence community"?

In late 2001, the Brazilian government canceled an invitation for Kissinger to speak in Sao Paulo because it could no longer guarantee his immunity. Earlier this year, a London court agreed to hear an application for Kissinger's imprisonment on war crimes charges while he was briefly in the United Kingdom. It is known that there are many countries to which he cannot travel at all, and it is also known that he takes legal advice before traveling anywhere. Does the Bush administration feel proud of appointing a man who is wanted in so many places, and wanted furthermore for his association with terrorism and crimes against humanity? Or does it hope to limit the scope of the inquiry to those areas where Kissinger has clients?

There is a tendency, some of it paranoid and disreputable, for the citizens of other countries and cultures to regard President Bush's "war on terror" as opportunist and even as contrived. I myself don't take any stock in such propaganda. But can Congress and the media be expected to swallow the appointment of a proven coverup artist, a discredited historian, a busted liar, and a man who is wanted in many jurisdictions for the vilest of offenses? The shame of this, and the open contempt for the families of our victims, ought to be the cause of a storm of protest

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#10

Post by Maksim » 11/12/2006 22:58

steta sto se nije ponovio cover kao u njemackom satiricnom magazinu titanic kad je umro ronald reagan.... naime, pisalo je "das arschloch ist endlich tot" :lol: sto u prijevodu znaci "supak je konacno mrtav"

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#11

Post by repeater » 11/12/2006 23:48

danas wrote:
kekec wrote:Umro na Dan ljudskih prava.
Koja "slucajnost".
ma ja samo cekam da i kissinger crkne :oops:
ma ja bih radije da ga malo mrcvare pred sudom prije nego sto krepa.
znam da od toga nece biti nista, ali lakse je kad im pred smrt sine lice pravde, kao sto je bio slucaj sa milosevicem. ovako ovaj krmak, pinochet, ode i to u 91 godini - to ti dodje kao cetri zivota od mnogih momaka koji su umrli pred njegovim ocima. zalosno.

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#12

Post by repeater » 12/12/2006 01:17

ovo je iz pera ariel dorfmana, jednog od prominentnijih disidenata pinoceovog rezima

Now, the battle for Chile
by Ariel Dorfman

SANTIAGO: Is General Augusto Pinochet, Chile's former dictator, really dead?

Though there can be no doubt that his body has been proven to indeed be mortal, I fear that his spirit may live on interminably in the Chile he misruled from 1973 to 1990 and then continued to terrorize as commander in chief of the army for eight more years.

In order to truly exorcise him from our existence it would have been necessary that he stand trial, that he defend himself from the accusations of murder and torture, kidnapping and grand larceny, which have been brought against him in innumerable court cases in Santiago.

In order to cleanse his image from our land, we would have had to witness him looking into the face of each and every one of his victims, the mothers whose children he disappeared, the wives whose husbands he massacred, the sons who were persecuted and exiled.

In order to be rid of his dire influence, his death should have been mourned only by his family and close friends.

Instead we have the sad spectacle of one-third of the country lamenting his departure, one-third of Chile still accomplices to his crimes, still justifying his crimes, still rejoicing that the general overthrew Salvador Allende, the constitutional president of Chile.

And the even sadder spectacle of the minister of defense of the democratic government of Chile being sent to the tyrant's funeral rites today by President Michelle Bachelet, a woman who was herself imprisoned and tortured by the secret police of the man she is now honoring, a woman whose own father, Alberto Bachelet, was tortured and died in one of Pinochet's prisons.

Military honors, young cadets marching by, rifles fired off, for a man who has been branded an international terrorist, who ordered the assassination of Orlando Letelier, Allende's foreign minister, in the streets of Washington in 1976. Only a country still full of fear would dare to stoop so low, pay public homage to such a despot.

And yet, in spite of all these signs of Pinochet's continuing dominance from beyond death, I feel that something has in fact changed quite categorically with his demise.

What convinced me were the thousands upon thousands of Chileans who spontaneously poured into the streets here to celebrate the news of his extinction.

I tend to be wary of any attempt to turn anyone's death, no matter how despicable, into an occasion for joy, but I realized that in this case it was not one man's death that was being welcomed but rather the birth of a new nation.

Dancing under the mountains of Santiago there was one word they repeated over and over: shadow.

"La sombra de Pinochet se fue," one woman said, his shadow is gone, we have come out from under the general's shadow. As if the demons of a thousand plagues had been washed from this land, as if we were never again to be afraid, never again the helicopter in the night, never again the air polluted by sorrow and violence.

For those who were celebrating (most of them young), it was as if something had been definitely, gloriously shattered when Augusto Pinochet's bleak and unrepentant heart ceased beating.

They had spent their lives, as I had spent mine, awaiting this moment, this day when the darkness receded, this December when our country would be purged, ready to start over again. This moment when we need to grow up and stop blaming Pinochet for everything that goes wrong, everything that went wrong, this moment when he disappears from our horizon.

Has the general really died? Will he ever stop contaminating every schizophrenic mirror of our life?

Will Chile ever cease to be a divided nation? Or is she right, that future mother, seven months pregnant, who jumped for joy in the center of Santiago, was she right when she shouted to the seven winds that from now on everything would be different, that her child would be born in a Chile from which Augusto Pinochet had forever vanished?

The battle for the soul of this country has just begun.

Ariel Dorfman is the author of "Exorcising Terror: The Incredible Unending Trial of Augusto Pinochet.
primjecujete li paralele sa srbijom poslije milosevicevog pada sa vlasti?

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danas
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#13

Post by danas » 12/12/2006 02:37

Somos cinco mil
en esta peque?a parte de la ciudad.
Somos cinco mil
? Cuántos seremos en total
en las ciudades y en todo el país ?
Solo aqui
diez mil manos siembran
y hacen andar las fabricas.

? Cuánta humanidad
con hambre, frio, pánico, dolor,
presión moral, terror y locura !

Seis de los nuestros se perdieron
en el espacio de las estrellas.

Un muerto, un golpeado como jamas creí
se podria golpear a un ser humano.
Los otros cuatro quisieron quitarse todos los temores
uno saltó al vacio,
otro golpeandose la cabeza contra el muro,
pero todos con la mirada fija de la muerte.

? Qué espanto causa el rostro del fascismo !
Llevan a cabo sus planes con precisión artera
Sin importarles nada.
La sangre para ellos son medallas.
La matanza es acto de heroismo
? Es este el mundo que creaste, dios mio ?
?Para esto tus siete dias de asombro y trabajo ?
en estas cuatro murallas solo existe un numero
que no progresa,
que lentamente querrá más muerte.

Pero de pronto me golpea la conciencia
y veo esta marea sin latido,
pero con el pulso de las máquinas
y los militares mostrando su rostro de matrona
llena de dulzura.
? Y Mexico, Cuba y el mundo ?
? Que griten esta ignominia !
Somos diez mil manos menos
que no producen.

?Cuántos somos en toda la Patria?
La sangre del companero Presidente
golpea más fuerte que bombas y metrallas
Asi golpeará nuestro pu?o nuevamente

?Canto que mal me sales
Cuando tengo que cantar espanto!
Espanto como el que vivo
como el que muero, espanto.
De verme entre tanto y tantos
momentos del infinito
en que el silencio y el grito
son las metas de este canto.
Lo que veo nunca vi,
lo que he sentido y que siento
hara brotar el momento...



(Victor Jara, Estadio Chile, Septiembre 1973)

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