Forum Klix.ba

Kikibombona wrote: Sada od naroda traze da podrzi novu vladu.

KrM: General Sisi, many say you are the new Abdul-Nasser, what’s your reply to that?

Sisi: You reminded me of when they asked the singer Warda if she’s the second Um Kalthoum. She said I prefer to be the first Warda. I feel the same about Abdul-Nasser.
General al-Sisi as a child with Abdul-Nasser


KrM: So will you be running for president of Egypt at the next elections?

Sisi: Of course not. I am only here to serve my country. And if the people decide that they want me as president, I don’t see why elections are necessary.

http://www.karlremarks.com/2013/07/i-am-like-warda-exclusive-interview.html

muhafuca wrote:Intervju sa General Sisi-jem

boldirano -interesantno pitanje i jos interesantniji odgovor

KrM: General Sisi, many say you are the new Abdul-Nasser, what’s your reply to that?

Sisi: You reminded me of when they asked the singer Warda if she’s the second Um Kalthoum. She said I prefer to be the first Warda. I feel the same about Abdul-Nasser.
General al-Sisi as a child with Abdul-Nasser


KrM: So will you be running for president of Egypt at the next elections?

Sisi: Of course not. I am only here to serve my country. And if the people decide that they want me as president, I don’t see why elections are necessary.

Code: Select all

http://www.karlremarks.com/2013/07/i-am-like-warda-exclusive-interview.html

Potez za pohvalu. Egipatska vojska slusa glas naroda

Nadam se da ce Egipcani u velikom broju podrzati novu vladu i da ce vojska razbucati ekstremiste koji u Egiptu pokusavaju isprovocirati gradjanski rat.

Kikibombona wrote:Slazemse-neslazemse

Procitaj predzadnji pasus mog 'licemjerno ljigavog komentara'.

Naravno da bi za Siriju bilo dobro da je vojska imala kapacitet svrgnuti Asada i postaviti covjek koji ce biti predsjednik i koji ce postovati cjelokupan sirijski narod, sve vjerske i etnicke grupe. Mnogi zivoti bi bili spaseni.

Na srecu, tu sudbinu je izbjegao Egipat, prvenstveno zahvaljujuci odmerenoj i takticnoj vojsci. Njima je Mursi davno zasmetao, ali su cekali da narod ustane protiv njega. Narod im je dao legitimitet da svrgnu vjerskog fanatika cija je islamisticka politika ugrozavala milione Egipcana. Da sutra nova vlast pocne nametati ateisticke zakone, da protiv vlasti ustanu milioni Egipcana, vojska bi reagovala.

Vojski je jedini cilj odrzati mir u zemlji. Svi imaju pravo na proteste, ali niko nema pravo podmetati bombe i pucati iz vatrenog oruzja. Uvjeren sam da ce te fanatike vojska brzo slomiti i poslati na dugogodisnje robije.


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Kikibombona wrote: ...
Narod im {vojsci, op. JSO} je dao legitimitet da svrgnu vjerskog fanatika cija je islamisticka politika ugrozavala milione Egipcana.

Ja Sam Odavle wrote:

Kikibombona wrote: ...
Narod im {vojsci, op. JSO} je dao legitimitet da svrgnu vjerskog fanatika cija je islamisticka politika ugrozavala milione Egipcana.

Kako im je dao legitimitet?

sarajevoxxxx wrote: Najveci fanatik je Sisi. Lik lozi narod da ga podrze demonstracijama . Sisi je izgubio kompas, vrlo moguce da mu dio generala koji su uz egipatski narod sprema puc.

japin_mutapi wrote:Egipatski sud je donio odluku o otpuštanju 75 sudija koji su u srijedu u proglasu osudili generalovo obraćanje.

... link ...

Kikibombona wrote:Ja sam odavle

Legitimitet su dali najmasovniji protesti u istoriji Egipta. Po svim izvjestajima, to jesu bili najmasovniji protesti, veci od onih usmjerenih protiv Mubaraka. Vojska je bila duzna ukloniti za milione Egipcana mrskog Mursija. Da je ostao, izbio bi belaj sa fatalnim posljedicama. Vojska je ocuvala MIR.

Egipat mora biti sekularan, mora pomiriti vjernike i oni koji to nisu. Ako radis u korist stete miliona Egipcana, ocekuj da ce te motkama otjerati, nebitno da li bili vjernici, tradicionalisti, nevjernici itd. Demokratija prestaje tamo gdje dolazi ugrozavanje, a gdje dodje ugrozavanje doci ce i revolt/otpor. Egipcani su pametno shvatili, bolje danas nego sutra. Sto duze cekas, budalu je teze skinuti.

Mislim da znas i da si svjestan ovog sto cu reci... Vjerski fanatik ne odstupa, njega moras svrgnuti. Egiptu ne trebaju fanatici, radikali, ekstremisti... Trebaju im umjereni politicari koji ce znati pomiriti razlicitosti.

In the immediate aftermath of Mubarak's overthrow, the Brotherhood had no intention of ruling. It reassured secular Egyptians and the army by promising publicly not to seek the presidency or an outright parliamentary majority.

"I met Shater three times in 2011/2012 and each time it was clear that the political appetite was growing, but the first time he was extremely explicit that the Brotherhood would not seek political power right away," said U.S. academic Nathan Brown, a leading expert on Egypt at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "He was very clear to the reasons: the world's not ready for it, Egypt's not ready for it, and - the phrase he kept using - the burdens of Egypt are too big for any one political actor. Those turned out to be very sound judgments but he abandoned them."

Events began to take on a momentum of their own. The Brotherhood won control of parliament in alliance with smaller Islamist and independents, but soon found that was not sufficient to pass or implement legislation. An army council kept the keys to power.

As the frustrations grew, some members of the Brotherhood - particularly the young - began to press for the movement to change its stance and bid for the presidency and the executive power it would bring.

"The entire council of the Guidance Office of the Muslim Brotherhood was against the presidential nomination," said Gehad El-Haddad, 31, one of the leading young Islamists. So Haddad and 16 other youth activists exploited Facebook and Twitter to change minds.

"We lobbied, the youth of the Muslim Brotherhood, we literally lobbied. We put up a chart of the Shura council members and decided which ones to pressure to change their vote," the British-educated activist, now the movement's spokesman, said in a midnight interview at a pro-Mursi protest camp outside a mosque in eastern Cairo. "The Muslim Brotherhood takes its vote from the grass roots up, even that vote."

Opponents argued that the quest for executive power was premature and would fuel suspicion and hostility towards the Brotherhood, which had long pursued a patient, gradualist strategy.

The issue came to a head at a marathon closed-door meeting of the Brotherhood's Shura Council at its four-storey headquarters in the hill-top Moqattam district that overlooks Cairo from the south.

"We remained for three days, debating, each team giving the justifications of the opinion it had, whether accepting or rejecting. And when the vote happened, the decision was just by three or four votes," said Essam Hashish, 63, a university engineering lecturer and Shura member.

It was one of the most closely contested votes in the history of the movement and went to three rounds. Just 56 of the 108 members voted on the decisive ballot to put up a candidate for president, while 52 voted against. After that, support for Shater as the Brotherhood's candidate for president became overwhelming.

The Islamists had earlier looked at nominating someone outside their movement, approaching respected judges Ahmed Mekky and Hossam Gheriyani, who had stood up to Mubarak. Both declined.

Insiders said Shater's charisma and ambition were key factors. The furniture and shopping mall magnate was the dominant politician in the movement, described by colleagues and foreign diplomats as a powerful, pragmatic negotiator used to getting his way.

But his candidacy was short-lived. The electoral commission, headed by a Mubarak appointee, disqualified him on the grounds that he had been convicted of a criminal offence in 2007, even if the charges seemed politically motivated.

The mantle of Brotherhood candidate thus fell uncomfortably on the shoulders of Mursi, a provincial engineering professor who had studied in the United States but had less political savvy and public-speaking ability than Shater.

"When we took the decision to nominate Mursi, after the withdrawal of Khairat El-Shater, he (Mursi) returned home weeping: he had been given a responsibility that he had not sought," Hashish said. "It was known that whoever took responsibility at this time would not find the road covered in roses. But we also knew that there was nobody at that time who could undertake this the way we could."

Mursi narrowly won the presidential election on the second round of voting with 51.73 percent of the vote against Ahmed Shafik, a former air force general who was Mubarak's last prime minister and faithful ally. The chubby, bespectacled Islamist owed his victory partly to the support of liberal and leftist candidates who threw their weight behind him between the two rounds. Their supporters hated Shafik and were given a string of assurances that Mursi would form an inclusive government, and involve them and civil society in drafting a new constitution.

Voters who switched from secular candidates on the first round to Mursi in the run-off were dubbed "lemon squeezers" in reference to the Egyptian tradition of making unpalatable food edible with a splash of lemon juice.