Montana wrote:BHCluster wrote:Dolazak Turaka u 15. stoljecu vjerojatno nije bio prvi doticaj Bosne s islamom.
Ali, mozemo samo nagadjati .....
Ti začas promjeni cjelu povjest...tipkovnica se izlizala od posta.
Dolaskom turaka je narod pomuslimanit,bez nagađanja.Nakon odlaska turaka,ti ljudi su se trebali maknuti od toga...kroz generacije se vratiti svom korjenu...a ne i dan danas turke uzdzat koji su ih potlačili.
Evo ti par stvari pa se onako malo informisi ako hoces:
1. M. Kiel, Art and Society of Bulgaria in the Turkish Period (Assen, Maastricht, 1985), 33.
2. H. Gandev, Bulgarskata narodnost prez 15v. [ The Bulgarian People in the Fifteenth Century] (Sofia, 1972).
3. Gandev, Narodnost, 20–56.
4. Ibid., 111.
5. According to H. ( nalcık, mezraa denotes: 1) a field under cultivation; 2) a large farm with no permanent settlement; it may be originally a deserted village or land reclaimed by a nearby village. See ( nalcık and Quataert, History, “Glossary,” s.v. mezra" a.
6. S. Dimitrov, “Mezrite i demografskiya colaps na balgarskiya narod [The Mezraas and the Demographic Collapse of the Bulgarian Nation],” Vekove, 6 (1973), 54–65.
7. Gandev, Narodnost, 91–92.
8. N. Todorov, Balkanskiyat grad XV–XIX v. Socialno-ikonomitchesko i demografsko razvitie (Sofia, 1972), translated by P. Sugar as The Balkan City: Socio-economic and Demographic Development, 1400–1900 (Seattle, 1983).
9. See, for discussion on this matter, Kiel, Art and Society, 45–47 and the references given there.
10. Ibid., 37.
11. See, for example, E. Grozdanova, Bulgarskata narodnost prez 17v. Demografsko izsledvane [The Bulgarian People in the 17th century: A Demographic Survey] (Sofia, 1989), 25.
12. K. Jire‘ ek, Geschichte der Bulgaren (Prague, 1876), 284–96; idem, Geschichte der Serben (Gotha, 1911), 379–81.
13. N. Iorga, Histoire des états balkaniques (Paris, 1925), 25.
14. See, for example, ( .H. Uzunçar{ ılı, Osmanlı Tarihi (Ankara, 1947), who views the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans as “liberation from the cruelty of their own lords and the return to order and justice.”
15. See, for example, Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philipp II (London, New York, 1973), 663—“The [Ottoman] conquest, which meant the end of the great landowners, absolute rulers on their own estates, was in its way a Liberation of the oppressed.”
16. See also L.S. Stavrianos, The Balkans since 1453 (New York, 1958) and A. Stojanovski, “The Character and the Influence of the Ottoman Rule in Yugoslav Countries in the 15th and 16th Centuries, with Special Reference to Macedonia,” in Ottoman Rule in Middle Europe and Balkan in the 16th and 17th Centuries: Papers Presented at the 9th Joint Conference of the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav Historical Committee (Prague, 1978).
17. See H. ( nalcık, “Ottoman Methods of Conquest,” SI, 2 (1954), 103–129.
18. That taxation variations existed in the different sancaks is well documented in the Ottoman kanunnames, written at the beginning of the tax registers for each sancak or town. For published sancak kanunnames from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries see in Ö.L. Barkan, XV. ve XVI. Asırlarda Osmanlı mparatorlu unda Ziraî Ekonominin Hukukî ve Mali Esasları, I: Kanunlar (Istanbul, 1943). A new edition of kanunnames is still underway in Ahmed Akgündüz, ed., Osmanlı Kanunnâmeleri ve Hukukî Tahlilleri (Istanbul, 1990).
19. See ( nalcık and Quataert, History, 70–71 and 149–151.
20. H. ( nalcık, “Village, Peasant and Empire,” in idem, The Middle East and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire: Essays on Economy and Society (Bloomington, 1992), 143.
21. nalcık and Quataert, History, 68. See also Nedim FilipoviÆ , “A Contribution to the Problem of Islamization in the Balkans under the Ottoman Rule,” in Ottoman Rule in Middle Europe, 341.
22. nalcık and Quataert, History, 68.
23. There were separate registers, however, for the tax-exempt (muaf ) reaya. The numbers of the askerî class can also be roughly estimated from the military staff registers ( yoklama defteri ) and by the timar-holders described in the registers. Barkan assumes that the exempted population totaled 6 percent of the total population.
24. Ö.L. Barkan, “Essai,” (this is actually the French version of his “Tarihi Demografi Ara tırmaları ve Osmanlı Tarihi,” Türkiyat Mecmuası, 7–8 (1954), 1–26, idem, “Osmanlı mparatorlu unda bir kân ve Kolonizasyon Metodu olarak Vakıflar ve Temlikler,” Vakıflar Dergisi, 2 (1942) and idem, “Osmanlı Imparatorlu unda bir Ikân ve Kolonizasyon Metodu olarak Sürgünler,” IÜIFM (1949–1954).
25. H. nalcık, Hicri 835 Tarihli Süreti Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid (Ankara, 1954) and idem, “Od Stefana Dusana do Osmanskog Crastva: Hriscanske Spahije u Rumeliji u XV vijeku i Njihovo Porijeklo,” Prilozi, 3–4 (1952–53), 23–53. A Turkish version of the article is “Stefan Du{ an’dan Osmanlı ( mparatorlu< una,” in Fuat Köprülü Arma anı (Istanbul, 1953), 207–48.
26. M.T. Gökbilgin, Rumili’de Yürükler, Tatarlar ve Evlad-i Fatihan (stanbul, 1957).
27. J. Halaço lu, “XVI yüzyılda Sosyal, Ekonomik ve Demografik bakımdan Balkanlarda bazı Osmanlı } ehirleri,” Belleten 53 (1988).
28. Kemal Karpat, Ottoman Population.
29. Turski izvori za Bulgarskata istoria [ Turkish Sources of Bulgarian History] Vol. 1–7, (Sofia, 1964–86); Turski dokumenti za istorijata na makedonskiot narod [ Turkish Documents for the History of the Macedonian People] Vol. 1–5, (Skopje, 1971–85).
30. E. Balta, L’Eubée à la fin du XV e siècle. Economie et population—les registres de l’année 1474 (Athens, 1989).
31. S. Pulaha. Aspects de démographie historique des contrées albanaises pendant les XV siècles (Tirana, 1984); idem, Le cadastre de l’an 1485 du sandjak de Shkoder (Tirana, 1974).
32. A. Stojanovski, Gradovite na Makedonija od krajot na XIV do XVII vek. Demografski proutchvanja [ The Macedonian Towns from the end of 14th to the 17th century. A Demographic Study] (Skopje, 1981) and A. Stojanovski, M. Sokolski, ed., Opshiren popisen defter 4 (1467–1468) [Cadastral Register 4 (1467–1468)] (Skopje, 1971).
33. M. Sokolski, “Opshirni popisni defteri ot XVI vek za Kustendilskiot sandjak” [Cadastral Registers from the Sixteenth Century for the Sancak of Kjustendil], in TDIMN, 5 (Skopje, 1983).
34. A. Matkovski, “Migratsii ot selo vo grad vo Makedonija od XVI do XIX vek [Migrations from Villages to Cities in Macedonia from the sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries],” Yugoslovenski Istorijski Casopis, 1–2 (1974).
35. B. Djurddjev, “Defteri za Tsrnogorski sandjak iz vremena Skender bega Tsrnoevitcha” [Registers of the Sancak of Montenegro during the time of Skenderbeg Tchernoevitch], Prilozi, 1–3 (1950–53).
36. N. ” abanovic , Krai“ te Isa-Bega Ishakovi Æ a. Zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455 godine [The Land of Isa Beg Ishak. One Cadastral Register from 1455] (Sarajevo, 1964).
37. A. Handzic, “O islamiciju u severoistocnoj Bosni u XV i XVI vijeku [About the Islamization in Northeast Bosnia during the 15th and 16th Centuries],” Prilozi, 16–17, (1966–67) 5–48.
38. O. Zirojevic , “Vucitrinski i Prizrenski sandjak u svetlosti turskog popisa 1530/1531 godine [The Vuchitrin and Prizren Sancaks in the Light of the Turkish Register of 1530–31],” Gjurmine albanologjike, 2 (1968).
39. D. Lukac , Vidin i vidinskija sandjak prez 15–16v. Dokumenti ot arhivite na Tsarigrad and Ankara [Vidin and the Sancak of Vidin during the 15th and 16th Centuries. Documents from the Archives of Istanbul and Ankara] (Sofia, 1975).
40. N. Todorov, The Balkan City; and N. Todorov and A. Velkov, Situation démographique de la Péninsule balkanique (fin du XVe s.–debut du XVI es.) (Sofia, 1988).
41. Grozdanova, Narodnost.
42. S. Dimitrov, “Demografski otnoshenia i pronikvane na islama v zapadnite Rodopi i dolinata na Mesta prez XV–XVII vek [Demographic Relations and Spread of Islam in Western Rhodopes and the Valley of Mesta in the 15th–17th Centuries],”Rodopski Sbornik, 1 (1965), 63–114; idem, “Etnicheski i religiozni protsesi sred balgarskata narodnost prez XV–XVII vek [Ethnicand Religious Processes among the Bulgarian Nation in the 15th–17th Centuries],” Balgarska Etnografia 1 (1980), 23–and idem, “Pronikvane na mohamedanstvoto sred balgarite v Zapadnite Rodopi prez XVII vek [The Spread of Mohamedanism among the Bulgarians in the Western Rhodopes in the 17th Century],” Rodopi 6–7 (1972), 12–14; 15–17.
43. Zelyazkova, Razprostranenie.
44. R. Kovatchev, Opis na Nikopolskiya Sancak ot 80-te godini na XV vek [Survey of
the Nikopol Sancak from the 1480s] (Sofia, 1997).
45. See nalcık, Hicri.
46. Todorov and Velkov, Situation démographique, and Ö. Barkan, “894 (1488/1489) Yılı Cizyesinin Tahsilatına ait Muhasebe Bilançoları,” Belgeler 1 (1964), 1–117. The interrelation of data between the two studies is very complicated. Barkan relies on an older study by Todorov (N. Todorov, “Za demografskoto sastoyanie na Balkanskiya poluostrov prez XV–XVI vek,” GSU-FIF, 52, 2 (1959), 193–225) to cover the years 1490–91, noting the numerous typographical and calculation errors of Todorov. In Situation démographique, Todorov corrects these and other errors based on a new reading of the register by A. Velkov, thus making Barkan’s essay outdated. Nevertheless, Todorov generates again a large number of errors making his own data unreliable. There is no space here to list all errors, but for example, the register (appended to the study in Arabic script and translation) has on page 3 recto “new Muslims-3, voynuks-2,” for the region of Yanbolu. Yet, in his Table 1, Todorov puts down “new Muslims-5.” On page 30 recto, the register has a “total of 8,814 hanes” for the region of Smederevo, which Todorov transcribes as “total of 8,011.” On page 38 recto, the register has “6,585 hanes” for the region of Grevena, whereas Todorov lists 6,885 in Table 2, etc. More striking are the mistakes in Table 2, where the data is broken down by sancaks and the number of hanes is a total of regular hanes and widows’ hanes. First, the region of Smederevo and 10 smaller areas, which are present in Todorov’s Table 1, are missing from his Table 2, giving a difference of 24,105 hanes for 1490 and 25,168 hanes for 1491. Second, from the 23 sancak totals, Todorov has calculated wrongly 5 totals for the year 1490 and 2 for 1491, giving a difference of 340 hanes for 1490 and 40 hanes for 1491. I have tried to correct as many errors as I have been able to discover in both studies (the only error of Barkan is for the hass of Siroz (Serres)—481 hanes instead of 841, but it might have been actually a scribal error) for the figures in my table. Moreover, both scholars include in their grand totals the hanes from the island of Midilli (Mytilene) and the Crimean peninsula, which areas I do not think belong to the Balkans proper and thus, I have excluded them from the table. In my opinion, it is very important to have the figures from these registers correspond to the original data because they are quoted by every study on Ottoman population. For example, H. ( nalcık (( nalcık and Quataert, History, 26, Table I:1) has quoted the figures of Barkan, which are, as already mentioned, outdated for 1490–91. ( nalcık has, on top of that, Todorov’s old figure for 1490 instead of Barkan’s more accurate one, and has switched one of the figures—“groups subject to lower rates of cizye”—from 1490 to 1491. Thus, we have a completely new set of data, which, given the authority of the volume, will inevitably serve as the basis of scholarship in the years to come.
47. I have followed Todorov’s distribution of regions described in the register to sancaks. I have added, however, the regions missing in his breakdown by sancaks but present in the register and the regions missing from his register but present in Barkan’s data. The changes are as follows: new headings—Smederevo (including the Vlachs of Smederevo as well), Gypsies, Muaf (only ispençe-paying reaya) and Miscellaneous (includes some vakıf villages, 9 villages around Istanbul and Akkermanians living in Istanbul); additions to sancaks—Melnik, } u{ man, Jenice Gümülcine and Maden-i Nejilova to Pasha sancak, Topliçe and the Vlachs of Pri{ tına to the sancak of Vulchitrn, ( zveçan, ( vraca, Ras, Bazar-i Haddadin, Bistriçe, Mıgliç, Maden-i Preskova, Maden-i Gosçaniçe and Maden-i ( rjana to the sancak of Prizren, Ni{ to the sancak of Krushevac, Gebran-i perakende to the sancak of Bosnia, the Vlachs of Hercegovina to the sancak of Hercegovina and Yeni{ ehir (Larissa) to the sancak of Trikala. Given the very small fluctuation in the numbers of hanes for each region year to year, I have also filled the missing numbers in some regions in 1488 and 1491 with data from 1489 and 1490 respectively, something which Barkan also sug-gests (Barkan, op. cit., 15). Thus, misleading, large fluctuations in the total numbers of hanes from year to year are avoided. To reflect the original figures given in the registers, I have put in brackets the figure that should be subtracted to arrive at the klix figure. The figures in brackets in the last row are the klix totals from the registers. The new Muslims for the years 1488 and 1489 are given by Barkan only as totals (Barkan, op. cit., 13).
48. Barkan, “Essai,” 32, Table 6.
49. I have again excluded the population of the island of Mytilene (Midilli), the Crimean peninsula (Cafa) and the islands of Rhodos and Cos (Istanköy), which were only administratively attached to the Balkans (see Barkan, “Essai,” 33). The table includes some population with military status—82,692 hanes of Christian auxiliary troops—voynouks, martolos, and Vlachs (Christian nomads with military duties) and 1,252 hanes of Muslims with special military status in the population of Smederevo, as well as 12,105 hanes müsellems and yürüks (Muslim nomads). It does not include the estimated 50,000 households of timar-holders and fortress guards. In “Miscellaneous,” I include the estimated tax-paying population of Istanbul, the sancaks of Kilis and Pojaga, and three kazas of Herzegovina (Barkan, “Essai,” 33).
50. Ö. Barkan, “Research on the Ottoman Fiscal Surveys,” in M. Cook, ed., Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East (London, 1970), 169.
51. Adapted by Donald Pitcher, Historical geography of the Ottoman Empire: from Earliest Times to the End of the Sixteenth Century (Leiden, 1968).
52. See Barkan, “Sürgünler,” 231, and the references given there.53. Ibid., 213.
54. Ibid.
55. Todorov and Velkov, Situation démographique, 30–34.
56. M. Gökbilgin, Rumili’de Yürükler.
57. Other scholars utilizing Barkan’s data usually cite the figure of 19 percent, perhaps overlooking the Balkan Muslim population extrapolated by Barkan that I have included under the heading Miscellaneous, in Table 2 above. First, S. Vryonis, “Changes,” 165, came up with this figure, and then others repeated it—see,P. Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354–1804 (Seattle, London, 1977), 50:n12–51.
58. Barkan, “Essai,” 30.
59. The yürüks were organized into six divisions named after the region in which they were located or by the old tribal name of the nomads who migrated there.
60. Zelyazkova, Razprostranenie, 73.
61. Todorov and Velkov, Situation démographique, 34.
62. Ibid.
63. Barkan, “Vakıflar ve Temlikler.”
64. Ibid., 283. See also M. Kiel, “The Vakıfnâme of Rakkas Sinân Beg in Karnobat (Karîn-âbâd) and the Ottoman Colonization of Bulgarian Thrace (14th–15th Century),”OA, 1 (1980), 15–31.
65. Zelyazkova, Razprostranenie, 60.
66. Ibid., 62.
67. E. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 46–89.
68. Ibid., 65, 67, 68.
69. This may not have been the case because, as is pointed out by Bulliet, among converts to Islam in the central Islamic lands pre-Islamic Arab names were most popular among converts immediately after the conquest.
70. E. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 61.
71. Ibid., 62. The register actually lists a group of households—korucular —whose task was to keep in check the nomads moving through the area and to prevent the straying of their livestock onto cultivated land. See Radushev, “Rodopi,” 63.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Based on his figure of 19 percent Muslim nomads living in the Balkans in the sixteenth century (see note 57 above), Vryonis (“Changes,” 165–166) proposes that “perhaps 50% of the Balkan Muslim population of 1520–1530 had their origins (whether nomad or sedentary) in colonization from outside the peninsula.” The
basic proposition, however, acquires an aura of authority in Sugar, Southeastern Europe, 51, where we find it used along with the phrase “Vryonis argues convincingly.”
75. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 78.
76. Zelyazkova, Razprostranenie, 89–90.
77. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 62.
78. Ibid., 67.
79. Vryonis, “Changes,” 163.
80. Barkan, “Essai,” 35.
81. See for example Vryonis, “Changes,” 163.
82. Vryonis put Selanik in the first group—towns in which Muslims outnumbered Christians. Apparently, he disregarded the fact that there the 54 percent strong Jewish community was twice as large as its Muslim counterpart. See Vryonis, “Changes,” 163.
83. The last column is derived from Table 2 above. Vryonis (and Sugar after him) has mistakenly put Bitolja (Manastır) and Skopje in the sancak of Kustendil instead of Pasha sancak. See Vryonis, “Changes,” 164 and Sugar, Southeastern Europe, 51: Table 1.
84. Sugar, Southeastern Europe, 51.
85. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 65–69.
86. M. Sokolski, “Islamizacja u Makedoniji u XV i XVI veku [Islamization in Macedonia in the 15th and 16th centuries],” Istoritcheski Tchasopis 22 (1975), 75–89.
87. According to Sokolski (“Islamizacja,” 84), there had been 6,866 yürük households living in 19 Macedonian nahiyes in the second half of the sixteenth century.
88. Ibid., 86–88. The data is derived from three registers. The first 16 entries are from a register dated 1569, the next 11 from a register dated 1570 and the last 7 from a register dated 1583.
89. Sokolski, “Islamizacja,” 86–87.
90. Grozdanova, Narodnost, 89–526.
91. Adapted by Pitcher, Historical geography.
92. Ibid., 526.
93. Ibid., 518–521, Table 149. I have included in my table only 31 areas for which Grozdanova’s data is complete and because of that the total change in percentage is different from the one arrived at by Grozdanova.
94. Ibid., 526.
95. Ibid., 586–87.
96. Ibid., 503.
97. Ibid., 504.
98. Radushev, “Smisalat,” 152–197.
99. Ibid., 164–169. See also Radushev, “Rodopi,” 55–56.
100. Machiel Kiel, “Izladi/Zlatitsa. Population Changes, Colonization and Islamization in a Bulgarian Mountain Canton, 15th–19th Centuries,” in E. Radushev, Z. Kostova, V. Stoyanov, ed., Studia Honorem Professoris Verae Mutaf‘ ieva (Sofia, 2001), 179.
101. Grozdanova, Narodnost, 70.
102. The klix figures are: 869 cizye hane vs. 2,027 hanes (1264 full households and 763 bachelor hanes respectively)—see Radushev, “Smisalat,” 177.
103. Radushev, “Smisalat,” 183–184.
104. Ibid., 177 and 185.
105. Radushev gives numerous examples—one of them being for the village of Rosene in the nahiye of Turnovo. The detailed register of 1618–22 for the region lists 96 households and 29 bachelors in the village, which corresponds to 60 cizye hanes in the cizye register. About twenty years later, a cizye register of 1639 indicates an increase of 12 cizye hanes (to the total of 72), while a detailed avariz register of 1642 actually shows 59 Christian household remaining, i.e., a decrease of 37 households—see Radushev, “Smisalat,” 182.
106. Ibid., 167.
107. Radushev, “Rodopi,” 76 and 85–89.
108. Bruce McGowan, “Head Tax Data for Ottoman Europe, 1700–1815,” in idem, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for Land, 1600 –1800 (Cambridge, 1981), 80–104.
109. McGowan, “Head Tax,” 81–83.
110. Ibid., 82.
111. See ibid., Appendix: Official totals of head tax receipts held by the nonMuslim population of Ottoman Europe, 1700–1815. Because most of the SW zone is listed together with Yenicehir of the SE zone in the registers of 1700, McGowan gives only the combined total of 321,303 for the two zones in the latter year. I
have calculated, however, the average growth in the other areas of the SE zone in the period 1700–20 to be 4.7 percent. I surmise then a population of 192,360 for the SE zone and 128,943 for the SW zone in 1700. The table includes also an extrapolated 80,000 for the Morea (SW), 3,000 for Athens, and 3,000 for Gümülcine (SE) in 1700; 20,000 for Belgrade (NW) and 3,000 for ( smail Geçidi (FNE) in 1815—see ibid., 103.
112. Ibid., 83–85.
113. Ibid., 85–87.
114. D. Panzac, La peste dans l’Empire Ottoman, 1700–1850 (Leuven, 1985), 189–199.
115. Ibid., 91.
116. Ibid., 94 and the references given there.
117. McGowan mentions the (unusual by Rumelian standards) strength of the
Muslim community in this region—ibid., 91. See also Table 8, Silistra.
118. See H. ( nalcık, “Dobrudja,” EI2
119. McGowan, “Head Tax,” 91.
120. Karpat, Ottoman Population, 109–110. The older study of the census of 1831— F. Akbal, “1831 Tarihinde Osmanlı Imparatorlu< unda ( dari Taksimat ve Nüfus,” Beleten, 15 (1951)—is now outdated.
121. Zelyazkova, Razprostranenie, 141.
122. McGowan, “Head Tax,” 202:n7.
