USA - Izbori za predsjednika 2020

[alijagoro]

Nista od Sandersa,ostaje nam mlada nada AOC za buducnost abd.

[ljevoruki]

Do sada Biden uzeo MI, MO, MS.
Preostale tri drzave su na zapadu i rezultati ce biti objavljeni kasnije.
Sanders je politicki polu-mrtav, koprcace se jos malo i nastaviti loziti siromahe da Amerika moze nekad da bude socijalna zemlja uredjena kao Svedska ili Kanada.
Trump je, po stoti put ponavljam, odgovor bijelog covjeks na 8 godina pod Obamom, trebace cudo da se desi da ne bude izabran po drugi put.
Po meni Biden ima minimalne sanse.

[ultima_palabra]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

[madner]

Prije ce biti da su se uplasili Bernija, pa daj sta das, samo da je kontra.

[CPT]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

Biden nema sanse. Trump ce ga zgaziti 1-2-3. Zbog sina, zbog bolesti, zbog Iraka, zbog ... Dugorocno je svako bolje da uzme Trump nego Biden jer ce sve ove budalestine Trump doci na naplatu. Nadam se da najvise njegovim glasacima.

[1Dante1]

Steta, ne pise se dobro Demokratama sa Bidenom al et. Nije mi toliko krivo radi Bidena koliko radi ovih ljudi koji ce se omrsit u slucaju da nekim cudom dobije Trumpa.

[jeza u ledja]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

Biden nema sanse. Trump ce ga zgaziti 1-2-3. Zbog sina, zbog bolesti, zbog Iraka, zbog ... Dugorocno je svako bolje da uzme Trump nego Biden jer ce sve ove budalestine Trump doci na naplatu. Nadam se da najvise njegovim glasacima.

To sto ce doci cijelom svijetu na naplatu to cemo jel zanemariti.

[jeza u ledja]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Prije ce biti da su se uplasili Bernija, pa daj sta das, samo da je kontra.

Moguce da ste obojica u pravu.


Helem, to bi bilo to sto se tice primaries. Bilo je jako zanimiljivo jedno vrijeme, medjutim primaries obicno zavrse ko boks mec izgleda.
Sanders, na zalost, ili mozda na srecu ko zna, nije skupio dovoljno podrske sa svojom revolucijom. Ocekivalo se vise, medjutim ispade skroz tropa, jer ovo su (sad kad su samo 2 kandidata u igri) gori rezultati za Sandersa nego prije 4 godine protiv Clinton (prosli put je recimo dobio MI i glat dobio WA).

Mislim da je uz ova 2 iznad nabrojana razloga treci razlog taj sto kontra imamo Trumpa i sto mnogi glasaju za lika za kojeg misli da ima najvise sansi protiv njega. Prije 4 godine, ljudi su bili vise spremni na eksperimentisanje. Da li su bili u pravu ostaje da se vidi.


U stvari gledam apsolutne brojeve u Michiganu, Sanders trenutno ima 574,221, sa 93% prebrojanih glasova. Prije 4 godine je ukupno dobio 598,943. Znaci otprilike ce imati isto. Medjutim, Biden za sad ima cak 831,687, dok je Clinton imala samo 581,775. Znaci izlaznost se jeste povecala, ali u korist Sandersovog protivnika.

[bunk]

Yes,we can ..Vol3
Ideemooo!

[jeza u ledja]

Yes,we can ..Vol3
Ideemooo!

Nisam uspio naci bolji smajlic sa stapom.

[GandalfSivi]

[ultima_palabra]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

Biden nema sanse. Trump ce ga zgaziti 1-2-3. Zbog sina, zbog bolesti, zbog Iraka, zbog ... Dugorocno je svako bolje da uzme Trump nego Biden jer ce sve ove budalestine Trump doci na naplatu. Nadam se da najvise njegovim glasacima.

Sta ce doci na naplatu njegovim glasacima? Jel Irak dosao na naplatu Bushovim glasacima? Nije nego ljudima na Bliskom istoku.

Njegovi glasaci ce uzivati u plodovima njegove vladavine, tipa konzervativne vecine u svakom bitnom sudu.

Fakat ne razumijem rezone na ovoj temi, ko da djeca od 15 godina pisu...

[jeza u ledja]

djeca od 15 godina pisu...

[CPT]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

Biden nema sanse. Trump ce ga zgaziti 1-2-3. Zbog sina, zbog bolesti, zbog Iraka, zbog ... Dugorocno je svako bolje da uzme Trump nego Biden jer ce sve ove budalestine Trump doci na naplatu. Nadam se da najvise njegovim glasacima.

Sta ce doci na naplatu njegovim glasacima? Jel Irak dosao na naplatu Bushovim glasacima? Nije nego ljudima na Bliskom istoku.

Njegovi glasaci ce uzivati u plodovima njegove vladavine, tipa konzervativne vecine u svakom bitnom sudu.

Fakat ne razumijem rezone na ovoj temi, ko da djeca od 15 godina pisu...

Kao da je prosjecan Amerikanac osjetio Irak. A uopste nece osjetiti kad mu Trump pocne uzimati iz dzepa tj. kresati soc. drzavu. Mozda tad skontaju sta znaci "cutting entitlements". Sudovi su bitni prije svega za dealoge medju Republikancima. Nece biti neka utjeha ljudima kad budu gladovali ili umirali od bolesti.

[agnostic_front]

Bravo Bidene

[muhafuca]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Ako prenesemo tu priču na generalne izbore, Biden ima dobre šanse. Naravno, dugo je do novembra.

Biden nema sanse. Trump ce ga zgaziti 1-2-3. Zbog sina, zbog bolesti, zbog Iraka, zbog ... Dugorocno je svako bolje da uzme Trump nego Biden jer ce sve ove budalestine Trump doci na naplatu. Nadam se da najvise njegovim glasacima.

Sta ce doci na naplatu njegovim glasacima? Jel Irak dosao na naplatu Bushovim glasacima? Nije nego ljudima na Bliskom istoku.

Njegovi glasaci ce uzivati u plodovima njegove vladavine, tipa konzervativne vecine u svakom bitnom sudu.

Fakat ne razumijem rezone na ovoj temi, ko da djeca od 15 godina pisu...

pa ukinute su im mnoge stvari koje su imali do 9/11 - beneficije i slobode - corporate takeover se rapidno ubrzao

sa mnogim zakonima koje su progurali u vremenu iza 9/11.

Mnogo Americke omladine je izginulo na bliskom istoku

Eto ovo onako na brzinu bez puno razmisljanja - a vjerovatno se jos masa stvari moze navesti sa dolaskom Dick Cheneya-a

na vlast.

Ti opisao kao da su ruze procvjetale Amerikancima u americi. I oni su pokusali dobro.

[ultima_palabra]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Prije ce biti da su se uplasili Bernija, pa daj sta das, samo da je kontra.

Moguce da ste obojica u pravu.


Helem, to bi bilo to sto se tice primaries. Bilo je jako zanimiljivo jedno vrijeme, medjutim primaries obicno zavrse ko boks mec izgleda.
Sanders, na zalost, ili mozda na srecu ko zna, nije skupio dovoljno podrske sa svojom revolucijom. Ocekivalo se vise, medjutim ispade skroz tropa, jer ovo su (sad kad su samo 2 kandidata u igri) gori rezultati za Sandersa nego prije 4 godine protiv Clinton (prosli put je recimo dobio MI i glat dobio WA).

Mislim da je uz ova 2 iznad nabrojana razloga treci razlog taj sto kontra imamo Trumpa i sto mnogi glasaju za lika za kojeg misli da ima najvise sansi protiv njega. Prije 4 godine, ljudi su bili vise spremni na eksperimentisanje. Da li su bili u pravu ostaje da se vidi.


U stvari gledam apsolutne brojeve u Michiganu, Sanders trenutno ima 574,221, sa 93% prebrojanih glasova. Prije 4 godine je ukupno dobio 598,943. Znaci otprilike ce imati isto. Medjutim, Biden za sad ima cak 831,687, dok je Clinton imala samo 581,775. Znaci izlaznost se jeste povecala, ali u korist Sandersovog protivnika.

To znaci da biraci ove izbore shvataju puno ozbiljnije nego prije 4 godine. Ljudi ne zele svoju buducnost prepustiti slucaju.

Kao sto je pokazala i 2018., u takvim uslovima republikanci se mogu samo pokriti po glavi i nadati se sto manjoj steti. To bi u ovim uslovima znacilo da nekako zadrze Senat i poluge blokade.

[Banksy]

Glede budućnosti i slučaja, kolike su šanse da Biden ostane mentalno zdrav, u komadu i koherentan, do izbora, a pogotovo do kraja eventualno osvojenog predsjedničkog mandata?

[jeza u ledja]

The Week Bernie Sanders Realized He Was Losing


BURLINGTON, Vermont — The hard reality of Tuesday night wasn’t losing.

And he did lose. He lost Idaho. He lost Missouri. He lost Mississippi so badly that he may only barely pick up delegates. And he lost Michigan, the state that revived his first presidential campaign four years ago. The hard reality, evident days earlier, was much tougher to accept.

You could see it last week, when his motorcade arrived for a rally at the fairgrounds in Salt Lake City, and all they could do was watch as a seven-person field rapidly shrunk to a two-man race, with candidates flying in secret to line up behind Joe Biden in Dallas. As the news broke, a senior aide stood in the fairgrounds parking lot near a line of SUVs, visibly shaking with nerves.

You saw it back in his Washington headquarters, where staffers reassured themselves by digging back in, as if by muscle memory, to an old trench: “Did we really think they were going to let us have it?” they told one another. You saw it after Super Tuesday, a loss across 10 states, when some senior aides began to worry that Biden wouldn’t even show up to the next debate, simply because he wouldn’t have to. And even as the campaign made a hard last play for Michigan, some aides said they could see “the writing on the wall” — and wondered if the boss did, too.

Bernie Sanders promised a singular and unprecedented ability to bring young and working-class people into the political process, an antidote to the “same old, same old status quo,” a campaign of “energy and excitement.” But it was Joe Biden, not Bernie Sanders, who was expanding the electorate. It was Joe Biden who was turning non-voters into new voters. Everyone knew who Bernie Sanders was. The other guy was just getting more votes — and how could he explain that?

A few days ago, when reporters asked in Phoenix, he couldn’t.

He hadn’t had a chance to dig into the numbers yet, he said. “I honestly have not,” Sanders told his press corps, standing at a podium in the conference room of a private terminal at the airport.

“I mean, I like doing those things, but I've been kind of frantically running around,” he said.

But Biden was bringing in new suburban voters, a reporter noted. “Are you running out of time to—”

Sanders cut in. “Well, we’re doing the best that we can.”

“All I can say is we’re working as hard as we can,” he repeated.

Maybe there was nothing else to say. The 78-year-old Vermont senator, who is a stubborn and irascible candidate, a well of resentment for the “clique” in the Democratic Party and of empathy for the working class and poor, set out to do one thing, give one speech, and lead one kind of movement. He was as single-minded in his mission as in the way he wanted to pursue it. He resisted change, most often at the urging of his own aides, including over the last few weeks as some begged him to be more aggressive in his attacks against Biden. From the start of his second presidential bid almost 13 months ago, his team liked to tell reporters that, unlike his race four years ago, this campaign was his campaign. And maybe it just wasn’t working well enough.

Before Michael Bloomberg’s collapse at a debate in Nevada, before Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg dropped out to lift up Biden, Sanders had a strong chance to come out of last week with a lead in the delegate race that, in a crowded field, candidates could chase but never catch. But after Tuesday, when voters across six states cast their ballots, Biden was leading by well over 100 delegates, with favorable states such as Florida and Ohio slated for next week.

At a hotel in downtown Burlington — where senior aides prepared to leave for New York ahead of a previously scheduled appearance on The Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon — Sanders did not at any point say the words “I am staying in the race,” but said he looked forward to attending the upcoming Democratic debate on Sunday. His wife, Jane Sanders, and members of their senior campaign team looked on from the side of the room, all of them in matching stolid expressions.

He knew he was losing the delegate race, he said. And knew he was losing the “electability debate.” His position, delivered in 10 minutes of prepared remarks, was not one of a candidate who expects to win — and Sanders, often mistaken by his critics as a movement politician with no interest in governing or institutionalizing change, wanted more than anything to win.

Greg Guma, a Vermont progressive who has followed Sanders for decades, had no trouble in an interview last year naming the biggest difference between this campaign and his first four years ago.

“He wants to win,” Guma said. “He wants to win as badly as a person can want to win.”

Interviews with nearly two dozen aides, allies, and progressive operatives over the last week reveal a campaign struggling to reconcile the reality of the delegate math with the emotions of an entire progressive movement that now rests on the shoulders of a man who has pursued his aims with a single-minded focus for more than 50 years, who built a vast and obsessive following from almost nothing in 2016, who doesn’t easily back down — even when he knows he’s lost.

“He was never able to expand his coalition,” said Mark Longabaugh, a top adviser who split with the campaign early last year over strategic disagreements with the candidate. “He just didn’t succeed at it.”

Now, Sanders has a legacy to consider. But over the last week, as he sought to reframe the race into an argument of ideas with Biden, the Vermont senator fell back into the familiar rhythms of his first presidential bid, brooding over moderates racing to “anoint” their preferred candidate and complaining about a corporate media he believes isn’t even trying to understand his cause.

“'How do we stop Bernie Sanders!'” he said last week of recent “Stop Sanders” coverage, feigning panic and alarm in his mock impression of the TV networks. “That’s the frame. Not 'My god, you have a candidate who’s trying to bring working people [into] the political process.’”

All week, on his plane, in hold rooms backstage, Sanders would approach aides in his gruff, matter-of-fact tone to tell them, sometimes apropos of nothing at all: We’re in a fight.

Even as anxiety grew in Sanders’ Washington headquarters, the tight circle that travels around him mirrored the straightforward and laserlike focus of the candidate. Sanders is tough on his staff and prone to angry outbursts, but in pursuit of his “political revolution,” he is almost even-keeled — a temperament matched by his quiet campaign manager, Faiz Shakir. “He’s like Faiz,” communications director Mike Casca once told reporters. “He’s always at a 5 out of 10.”

But for many outside the senator’s small retinue of staff, the past week unfolded as if in slow motion, a muddle of frustration and sadness as they came to terms with what was happening.

On the road, Sanders and the senior aides around him pressed as if little around them had changed.

“The divide isn’t between the traveling staff and headquarters,” one progressive operative close to the operation said this week. “The divide is between reality and the candidate's head.”

Last weekend, a few days after Elizabeth Warren dropped out, Shakir and one of his deputy campaign managers, Ari Rabin-Havt, started contacting her top staffers and supporters to see what could be done to bring together the two camps before the primaries on Tuesday.

Sanders spoke to Warren a “handful” of times throughout the week, a campaign aide confirmed, but she has declined to offer her endorsement.

Several figures in Warren’s circle balked at the outreach effort — Sanders and his aides, they said, had months to lay the groundwork for that kind of partnership, but only did so this week from a position of desperation. About a month ago, when it was clear that Warren had little chance to win, one person inside the campaign said they put out feelers to Sanders’ operation in an attempt to create new lines of communication. At the time, senior Sanders officials showed little interest, the person said, in reciprocating.

Others questioned whether Sanders could have prevented such a swift consolidation of the field had he reached out to candidates like Buttigieg and Klobuchar in a more concerted way.

“That's the Sanders model — they were gonna do it themselves,” said Adam Jentleson, a Democratic strategist who supported Warren. “His challenge from day one was to reach out to people who weren't with him in 2016 and build a bridge to the rest of the party.”

“I would feel differently about it if the other half of the equation was present for them: a wave of new voters and unprecedented youth turnout,” Jentleson added. “But it’s not there.”

Meanwhile, a small group of senior aides had been pushing Sanders for months to go harder on Biden.

The problem: Sanders actually liked him. Personally, they got along better than he ever did with Hillary Clinton, aides have said. (The former vice president falls into an exclusive category for the Vermont senator: the people who were nice to Sanders before he mattered, as two aides put it recently.) Back in January, it was the candidate’s decision to personally apologize to Biden after one of his surrogates, Zephyr Teachout, wrote an op-ed about Biden’s “corruption problem.”

David Sirota, the hard-charging senior adviser who has frequently made attacks on Biden go viral on Twitter, became so enraged by his unwillingness to budge on the matter that he laid out his concerns in a starkly worded email to the candidate and senior aides after Super Tuesday.

The message, two people familiar with the email said: We do this or we lose.

At campaign events over the next few days in Arizona and Michigan, Sanders turned his stump speech into a long list of policy disagreements with Biden, on everything from trade and social security to LGBTQ rights and abortion, threading in obvious nuggets of opposition research, citing decades-old Senate votes and a 1974 quote from Biden about Roe v. Wade.

In his remarks to reporters in Burlington on Wednesday, Sanders said he would like Sunday’s debate with his “friend” Biden to be about questions concerning the future — asking a series of questions about what kind of change the former vice president would bring to working people.

“Joe, what are you gonna do?” he said over and over, backdropped by four US flags.

Off the side of the room, Jane nodded along.

In private conversations over the last week, Sanders staffers were already starting to talk about their mission beyond “winning.” Several pointed to a rally last Sunday in Grand Rapids, Michigan, where Rev. Jesse Jackson came off the sidelines of the race to endorse Sanders — a personal victory the candidate described privately as the most meaningful moment of the campaign.

Nina Turner, the campaign’s cochair, described in a phone interview the feeling inside the Sanders operation on Wednesday morning with a single word: “heavy.”

“People are talking about this campaign as if we didn’t know what we were bumping up against,” she said. “We’re bumping up against an entire world — a system, if you will — that doesn’t want to bend.”

In a sense, neither does the candidate.

Over the last 13 months, Sanders has held a firm, at times unyielding grip on his own strategy.

That’s led to a presidential campaign that’s spoken to working-class voters in ways never seen before, turning his massive digital following into a platform for individual stories of struggle through an unexpectedly emotional series of town halls this summer and fall on subjects such as medical debt. Sanders has described the effort as a kind of support network for people left out of mainstream politics — an effort to help millions of people, in his words, “feel less alone.”

It’s also meant that Sanders, a candidate rarely willing to budge, served as his own press secretary, digital director, pollster, advertiser, and campaign manager. The true inner circle around the senator is already exceptionally tight — limited to his wife and five or so staffers — and even smaller still is the group of aides on his 2020 payroll who are willing to tell him “no.”

Longabaugh, the former adviser who was a central member of the 2016 campaign, recalled urging Sanders to spend the three years in between his presidential bids building relationships inside Democratic Party structures like the big unions or the Congressional Black Caucus.

More often than not, he said, the senator resisted.

“He was never gonna be one of those Walter Mondale– or Hillary Clinton–esque figures who would be able to wire up the entire party. There was a potential for him to make some inroads,” he said. "He got 42% of the vote last time. I always told him, ‘If you make small inroads, you're not too far from 50.’ But that stuff just never came naturally to Bernie Sanders."

More recently, in late February, some Sanders supporters watched in amazement as he claimed victory in the first three states, including by a massive margin in Nevada, and then proceeded to do very little to reach out to voters not already in his movement — instead continuing to rail against the establishment forces that soon after lined up against him.

“It’s a fair question,” Larry Cohen, a longtime Sanders supporter who sits on the board of his political nonprofit, Our Revolution, said of whether the candidate missed a crucial opportunity. “He’s an amazing human being. And all amazing human beings are not perfect.”

On the day the race began to change in Utah, reporters asked the deputy manager, Rabin-Havt, about what if anything Sanders would be willing to change. Would he appeal to moderates?

“My question back at that is: Tell me what that would look like,” Rabin-Havt said.

A more “inclusive message,” one reporter offered.

The back-and-forth continued in quick succession.

Rabin-Havt said Sanders’ message was inclusive.

So he wouldn’t consider doing anything different?

“What do you mean ‘consider doing anything different’?” he asked.

Would he change anything?

“Bernie Sanders has had the same values for his entire career,” Rabin-Havt finally said, “and he isn't changing that.”

Across the fairgrounds, past a crowd of 5,800 people, the candidate was onstage, delivering his usual speech, as if by heart. ●

Henry Gomez contributed reporting to this story.

https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/ru ... n-campaign

[jeza u ledja]

Why Bernie Sanders lost Michigan – and what it means for his campaign

With the Democratic primaries down to two real candidates, only one state really mattered on mini-Super Tuesday: Michigan. Bernie Sanders has staked his electability on his alleged unique ability to win swing states like Michigan, the so-called “rust belt” states that had fallen to Donald Trump in 2016. In fact, some of the most questionable decisions of his 2020 campaign – doing a Fox News Town Hall and touting a controversial endorsement by Joe Rogan – were based on the rationale that Sanders alone could win back white working-class voters who had abandoned the Democratic party for Trump.

Despite trailing in the polls by 25%, he had eked out a narrow but significant win over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 primaries. Sanders supporters hoped this would play out again on Tuesday night, but it was not to be. His loss to Joe Biden might not shake the belief of Sanders and his supporters that he, and he alone, can defeat Trump in November, but it most likely does end his chance at winning the Democratic nomination.

This should not really have come as a surprise. Despite all the hype after the first three primaries, in wildly unrepresentative and largely irrelevant states, Sanders was winning by pluralities between one-quarter and one-third of the vote. In several cases his support was only half that of 2016, suggesting his surprise success last time was as much anti-Clinton protest as pro-Sanders support. Even when the field started to thin, Sanders only won a majority in his home state of Vermont, and only barely so.

While Super Tuesday was brutal for the large size of the Biden wins, the modest Sanders wins were equally telling. Despite massive campaigning efforts in terms of both money and personnel and very favorable poll numbers for weeks, Sanders won just 34% of the vote in California. Biden, who had barely campaigned in the Golden State, came second with 27%, just seven points behind.

After the disappointment of Super Tuesday, Sanders’ campaign had prioritized Michigan, pulling out of Mississippi, doubling his organizational staff in the Great Lake state, spending millions on increasingly negative ads against Biden, and holding rallies with his most popular surrogates, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Cornel West, and Michael Moore. In sharp contrast, Biden visited Michigan just once, in a rally where Cory Booker and Kamala Harris endorsed him, but he did use part of his new cash to narrowly outspend Sanders.

This time Sanders was not saved by “an unexpected surge of younger voters”, or by his “firewall” of blue-collar voters. While Sanders did poll ahead of Biden among the young and among white Americans without a college education, they were not enough to offset Biden’s advantage among older, moderate and suburban white voters as well as older African American voters.

And this is pretty much the story of the Democratic primaries, at least since Super Tuesday. To put it sarcastically: young people tweet, old people vote. According to analyses of exit polls in 12 key states by the Harvard pollster John Della Volpe, the youth vote (under 30) only increased in a minority of the contests. In sharp contrast, turnout among those over 30 has been up in virtually every state, with some huge increases among the oldest cohort (over 65) – including in (potential) swing states such as New Hampshire, North Carolina and Virginia.

So, where does that leave Sanders and the Democratic primary race? Until Super Tuesday Sanders ran largely as an Independent, a “democratic socialist” attacking “the Republican establishment” and “the Democratic establishment” with equal fervor. While this satisfied his core base, which has seemed much larger than it actually was because of its disproportionate activity, organization and size on social media, it did little for the broader Democratic electorate.

After Super Tuesday Sanders tried to “reset” his campaign, mostly by prioritizing the midwestern states, by reaching out more to African American voters, and by attacking Biden’s track record. He also doubled down with attacks on “the corporate media” and “the Democratic establishment”. The Michigan results show that this strategy has not worked either.

The argument that Sanders should get the nomination even if he wins only a plurality of delegates is becoming increasingly irrelevant. The claim that only Sanders can mobilize two key groups in November, independents and young voters – which has always lacked empirical evidence – is further weakened by the lower turnout of young voters in the primaries. At this rate, not only will Sanders fail to win a plurality of delegates – Biden could win a majority outright.

As Sanders’ chances at the presidency start to fade, perhaps the most important part of his campaign is about to start: convincing his staunchest supporters, the so-called “Bernie or Bust” crowd, to come out to vote for Biden in November. Because however big Biden’s victory will be in the Democratic primaries, he cannot defeat Trump without the vast majority of Sanders’ supporters.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfr ... t-michigan

[jeza u ledja]

Jos malo dok zavrsimo sa smrtovnicama....

Moglo bi se pocet naglabat o tome ko bi mogao biti VP pick?
Crna zena?

S obzirom na zdravlje Bidena zbor VP-a bi mogao biti vrlo vazan. Kontam Kamala Harris bi mogla biti logican izbor, ali s obzirom da je vrlo rano odlucila da bas na njega potrosi svoj kredit, napadima, nisam siguran. Stacey Abrams bi mogla bit dobar izbor takodje. Ili se Amy Klobuchar dovoljno uvukla da dobije izbor?

Usput, kontam, mozda Bernie jos ne odustaje od trke jer se nada da bi Bidena mogao spucat virus. Mada, dobro bi Bidenu dosao sparing 1 na 1, za predstojece generalne.

[Challenger_]

Sasvim očekivano i predvidljivo kao i prije 4 godine: prvo luda baba a sada creepy Joe. Ostaju još dva otvorena pitanja. Hoće li Joe dočekati izbore živ i ako hoće, još bitnije: Ko će biti kandidat za VP.

[Sanjarko]

Ostaje mozda Tramp na vlasti i svi lideri sirom svijeta. Uvest ce se mozda tehnokratske vlade sa trenutnim liderima a izbori ce se sirom svijeta mozda odgoditi.

[Challenger_]

Prošli put, za razliku od većine, mislio sam da Trump MOŽE uzeti nominaciju i da MOŽE dobiti izbore. Ovaj put mislim da dobar izbor kandidata za VP MOŽE Bidena dovesti u Bijelu kuću.

Naravno, pod uslovom da živ i koliko-toliko zdrav dočeka izbore.

[General War]

Znači popularnost Sandersa je ipak ustvari bila samo nepopularnost Hillary. Kada je protukandidat iole simpatičan političar, lagan poraz.

Prije ce biti da su se uplasili Bernija, pa daj sta das, samo da je kontra.

Moguce da ste obojica u pravu.


Helem, to bi bilo to sto se tice primaries. Bilo je jako zanimiljivo jedno vrijeme, medjutim primaries obicno zavrse ko boks mec izgleda.
Sanders, na zalost, ili mozda na srecu ko zna, nije skupio dovoljno podrske sa svojom revolucijom. Ocekivalo se vise, medjutim ispade skroz tropa, jer ovo su (sad kad su samo 2 kandidata u igri) gori rezultati za Sandersa nego prije 4 godine protiv Clinton (prosli put je recimo dobio MI i glat dobio WA).

Mislim da je uz ova 2 iznad nabrojana razloga treci razlog taj sto kontra imamo Trumpa i sto mnogi glasaju za lika za kojeg misli da ima najvise sansi protiv njega. Prije 4 godine, ljudi su bili vise spremni na eksperimentisanje. Da li su bili u pravu ostaje da se vidi.


U stvari gledam apsolutne brojeve u Michiganu, Sanders trenutno ima 574,221, sa 93% prebrojanih glasova. Prije 4 godine je ukupno dobio 598,943. Znaci otprilike ce imati isto. Medjutim, Biden za sad ima cak 831,687, dok je Clinton imala samo 581,775. Znaci izlaznost se jeste povecala, ali u korist Sandersovog protivnika.

Ne znam kako se biraju podpredsjednici u USA...ne znam kakva bi bila kombinacija Bajden-Sanders na izborima...