Aprilski paket ustavnih promjena

[Padishah]

Kako se zahuktava predizborna kampanja, sve vise politicara ponovo spominje tzv. aprilski paket ustavnih promjena.

Bez zelje da pokrecem politicku diskusiju, jer shvatam da o ovom pitanju postoji duboka podijeljenost po stranackim linijama, interesuje me u cemu se konkretno sastojao predlozeni paket?

Koje su bile najvaznije predlozene promjene u odnosu na status quo?

Unaprijed hvala na odgovorima!

[heckler]

[1gorstak]

Prije nego sto se uopste razmatra sadrzaj Aprilskog paketa, treba shvatiti da u dogledno vrijeme (bar sljedecih 20 godina) postoji samo jedna sansa za izmjenu ustava koja ne podrazumjeva koristenje oruzja. Prije pet-sest godina reforma ustava uopste nije bila na stolu a to je pitanje otvoreno samo zbog diskriminacije (posto se za clanove predsjednistva ne mogu kandidovati recimo Jevreji ili Albanci). Kada se rijesi to pitanje diskriminacije, nece biti nacina da se to pitanje ustavne reforme ponovo otvori i drzava ce (ako se zadovoljimo povrsnom reformom) ostati taoc velikosrpskih blokada.

"The misuse of provisions such the "entity voting" and complex rules on quorums prevents swift decision- making and, therefore, hinders reform and the country's capacity to make rapid progress towards the EU. Among other things, the problem of blockages due to the entity voting rules needs to be addressed, and a stricter definition of the vital national clause in the Constitution is necessary. .... The work of the various Parliamentary committees has been affected by inter-ethnic divergences. Entity voting has often prevented swift adoption of legislation. Overall, the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to be adversely affected by the unstable political climate and insufficient administrative resources." COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE COUNCIL Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2009-2010.

Znaci, ako u dogledno vrijeme imamo jednu sansu za reformu ustava (jer smo na to obavezani presudom suda u Strazburu a ne zato sto to Dodik zeli), ako je nas glavni problem zloupotreba mehanizma zastite kojim se blokira drzavu, prilicno je neodgovorno tu jednu sansu "potrositi" na sporedne stvari kao sto je to imamo li jednog ili trojicu u zgradi Predsjednistva a ne rijesiti sustinski problem.

To dakle treba da bude kljucno pitanje; rjesava li se tom jednom sansom za reformu ustava problem zvani zloupotreba entitetskog glasanja ? Ako ne rjesava, skoro je pa nebitno sta se nalazi u tom paketu.

[Komrad]

Jedna prilika za promijenu ustava? Hm mozda po vama silajdzicima i slicnim ustav se moze mijenjati kad god se ima politicke volje na nacin kako je to propisano i moze se mijenjati bezbroj puta i dobro je da se mijenja na bolje

[Eborg]

Neki taj paket vide kao super dobru stvar a neki kao super lošu... Nemojte politike previše nego da nam neko hoće dati konkretan odgovor, i mene interesuje malo detaljnije.

[VektoR]

Nije skroz iskljucivao entitetsko glasanje, ali ga je smanjivao i sveo samo na neke oblasti koje se zaista ticu "nacionalnog interesa", a ne za svaku glupost, s druge strane, smanjivao je broj entitetskih glasova, čini mi se na svega 3 glasa iz rs.a ili iz federacije bi bili dovoljni "prodje stvar". Aprilski paket je takodjer obuhvatao reformu policije na drugaciji nacin nego sto je to rijeseno sada, gdje i dalje imamo entitetske policije koje su zabetonirane, imali bi predsjednika drzave i drzavnu vladu, a premijer vlade bi imao pravo da smijeni ministre koji ne rade, i na kraju, al ne najmanje vazno, oslabio bi uticaj entiteta, a pojacao utjecaj drzave i rjesavao pitanje vojne imovine, dakle, imovina bi bila drzavna.

Aprilski paket je tada, u to vrijeme, oboren iskljucivo u svrhu predizborne kampanje. One koji su ga podrzavali kostao je izbora, dok je neke podigao i ojacao, s jedne strane, s druge strane, u zadnje cetiri godine nije napravljen ni milimentar naprijed, cak se otislo unazad, tako da sada imamo politicki izuzetno jaku rs i slabu drzavu, koja, po mom nekom misljenju, nikad nije bila slabija i pod vecim znakom pitanja, cak ni za vrijeme rata nije bila slabija.

[heckler]

tako da sada imamo politicki izuzetno jaku rs i slabu drzavu, koja, po mom nekom misljenju, nikad nije bila slabija i pod vecim znakom pitanja, cak ni za vrijeme rata nije bila slabija.

Jel ovo neka sala? Sjecalis li se ti kako je BiH uopste izgledala 96 ,97 itd i koje nadleznosti je imala?

[VektoR]

da, sjecam se... izgledala je ocajno lose... naravno...Ne govorim o nadleznostima, sto se tice nadleznosti, s te strane jeste jaca... medjutim tada niko nije otvoreno zagovarao referendum kao sto se zagovara sada... prica o podjeli zemlje... cak ni stranci vise nisu odlucni da zaustave tu pricu... tada bi recimo, visoki predstavnik, zabranio svako djelovanje onima koji zucnu na tu temu... danas, da li danas visoki predstavnik mozes ili smije smijeniti bilo kojeg politicara u rs.u

[ultima_palabra]

Čini mi se da se tad govorilo da je u tom paketu postojala odredba da se nadležnosti entiteta mogu prenositi na državu bez pristanka entiteta, ukoliko su ista potrebna državi u procesu pristupanja EU... Da li je to tačno?

[edinbug]

Bilo - proslo.
Silajdzic je odigrao utakmicu za sebe. On je napravio suicid svojoj drzavi za koju se ko lafo toliko bori.
Nazalost, rezultat te njegove diletantske politike je, nikad jaca RS, a nikad slabija BiH. Naravno, ovdje ne treba zaboraviti Tunju, N. Durakovica, i ine kvazi intelektualce. To sto su oni zeljeli, to zeli svaki normalan Bosanac i Hercegovac, ali namjerno su zaboravili da se njih samo ne pita, vec da je se pitalo i politicare iz druga dva naroda.
Naravno, narod je poletio za BiH 100%, a sta smo dobili od tih 100% ???

[Real Khan]

Po mom mišljenju, dobro je da je taj "paket" pao. Evo vam originalni tekst Aprilskog paketa ustavnih promjena pa izvolite analizirajte...Ja ću vam se pridružiti kasnije (nakon sastanka koji ne mogu izbjeći)...

Amendments to the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Constitutional Working Group
April 26th, 2006



On the basis of Article X (1.) of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the General Framework Agreement on Peace in Bosnia and Herze-govina), the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, at the _____________ session of the House of Representatives, held on _________, 2006, and the session of the House of Peoples, held on _________, 2006, adopted the following:
Amendment I
In the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Article III, item 1 shall be amended and shall read:
1. Competencies of the Institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Competencies of the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina:
a. Defense and security
b. Foreign policy
c. Foreign trade policy
d. Customs policy
e. Monetary policy, as prescribed by Article VII
f. Financing of the institutions and international obligations of Bosnia and Herzegovina
g. Policy and regulation of migration, refugees, immigration and asylum
h. Implementation of international and inter-entity criminal law enforce-ment regulations, including relations with Interpol
i. Establishment and functioning of the BiH Court and the BiH Prosecutor’s Office
j. Establishment and operation of common and international communica-tions
k. Regulation of international and inter-Entity transportation
l. Air traffic control
m. Remaining competencies as regulated by law
After item 1. a new item 2. is introduced and shall read:
2. The shared competencies of the institutions of BiH are:
a. Tax system
b. Electoral process
c. Judiciary
d. Agriculture
e. Science and technology
f. Ecology
g. Local self-governance
h. Remaining competencies as regulated by law
Previous item 2. “Competencies of the Entities” becomes item 3. In the current point 3.a), at the end of the text, instead of a period, a comma is in-troduced, and the following is added: “in accordance with European stan-dards.”
Previous item 3. and 4. become item 4. and 5.
Previous item 5. becomes item 6. After the current item 6.a), additional items 6.b) and 6.c) are inserted and shall read
b. Competencies that have been transferred to the State may be returned to the Entities with the unanimous consent of the State and both Enti-ties.
c. State institutions are responsible for negotiating, developing, adopting and implementing, and the functioning of laws necessary for the fulfill-ment of European standards, as well as political and economic condi-tions linked with European integration. The State shall ensure compli-ance with the principles, priorities, and demands set forth by the Euro-pean Union in the phases before and after accession. The State will es-tablish the necessary bodies by law and undertake the necessary measures and determine the necessary procedures for the fulfillment of all criteria for accession and membership in the European Union, which also includes the necessary mechanisms of coordination and coopera-tion with authorities at lower levels.
Previous item 5.b) of this paragraph becomes item 6.d).
Amendment II
In the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Article IV shall be amended and shall read:
Parliamentary Assembly
1. General Principles.
Legislative power for the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall be vested in the Parliamentary Assembly.
2. Structure and Election of the Parliamentary Assembly.
a. The Parliamentary Assembly shall be comprised of the House of Repre-sentatives and the House of Peoples.
b. The House of Representatives shall have 87 Members, of which three seats are guaranteed for those who are not members of the constituent peoples.
c. Members of the House of Representatives shall be elected on the basis of the general and equal voting right, by secret voting, directly, and on the basis of the Election Law.
d. The House of Peoples shall have 21 Members, of which seven are Bosni-aks, seven are Croats, and seven are Serbs.
e. Members in the House of Peoples shall be elected indirectly from the House of Representatives, on the basis of the general voting right, in accordance with the Election Law.
3. Term and Eligibility of Members.
a. a. Members of the Parliamentary Assembly shall serve 4 year terms.
b. b. Any eligible voter who has reached the age of 18, and who has voting right may serve as a Member of the Parliamentary Assembly.
c. c. Members of the Parliamentary Assembly may not hold any other elected office or public position, during his/her mandate in the Parlia-mentary Assembly, in accordance with the Law on Conflict of Interests.
4. Parliamentary Rules of Procedure.
Each House shall adopt its Rules of Procedure.
5. President and Vice Presidents of the Houses of Parliamentary As-sembly
a. Houses of the Parliamentary Assembly shall have a President and two Vice Presidents and shall elect them, via a majority vote, from among its members. President and vice-presidents may not be from the same constituent people.
b. The President of the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary As-sembly shall represent the Parliamentary Assembly and is responsible for its functioning.
c. The President of the House shall be responsible for the efficient function-ing of the House, shall represent the House before other branches of the government, and perform other duties as defined by law and the House’s Rules of Procedure.
d. The Vice President of the House shall assist the President in his or her duties and perform other duties as defined by law and the Rules of Pro-cedure.
e. The President and Vice Presidents shall be elected to a four-year term, and shall be dismissed in the same manner they were elected.
f. The Presidents of the House of Representatives, of the House of Peoples, and of the Council of Ministers may not be from the same constituent people.
6. Sessions of the Houses of the Parliamentary Assembly and session of the Parliamentary Assembly
a. Sessions of the House shall be convened by the President of the House in accordance with the Rules of Procedure
b. Each House shall be convened in Sarajevo at the latest 30 days after the election.
c. At the request of the President of the Parliamentary Assembly, the Presi-dent of the Council of Ministers, the President of BiH, or one third (1/3) of the members of the Parliamentary Assembly that includes 1/3 of the members of each House, an extraordinary session of the Parliamentary Assembly shall be convened.
7. Competencies of the House of Representatives.
a. The House of Representatives has competencies over all legislation.
b. The House of Representatives shall:
i. Adopt constitutional amendments.
ii. Adopt legislation;
iii. Decide on sources and amounts of funds for the function-ing of institutions and servicing international obligations of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
iv. Adopt the budget of BiH institutions and international obli-gations of BiH;
v. Ratify international agreements;
vi. Participate in election of the Presidency of BiH in accor-dance with the Constitution;
vii. Confirm the President of the Council of Ministers of BiH and Ministerial slates;
viii. Oversee the work of the Council of Ministers and other in-stitutions that are accountable to the House in accor-dance with the Constitution and laws;
ix. Nominate and elect officials as defined by the Constitution and law;
x. Have all other powers and duties assigned by the Constitu-tion and law.
8. Competencies of the House of Peoples
a. Consideration of all laws that are adopted by the House of Representa-tives, that relate to the vital national interest. The House of Peoples has the right to vital national interest veto in accordance with paragraph 10 of this article.
b. Shall adopt constitutional amendments.
c. Participate in election of the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Vice-Presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with the Con-stitution.
9. Legislative Procedures.
a. The Council of Ministers and Members of both houses of the Parliamen-tary Assembly may initiate legislation. Bills shall be introduced in the House of Representatives.
b. All votes shall be open and recorded, unless otherwise determined by this Constitution and the rules of parliamentary procedure.
c. Majority of all members of the House of Representatives shall constitute a quorum.
d. All decisions in the Houses of Representatives will be made by the major-ity vote of those present and voting.
e. The members of the House of Representatives shall exert maximum ef-fort in order to make certain the majority includes no fewer than one-third of the votes of the members from the territories of each entity. If the majority does not include one-third of the votes of the members from the territories of each entity, then the President of the House and his Vice-Presidents, by working in a joint commission, shall endeavor to reach an agreement within three (3) from the date of vote. If those en-deavors fail, the decisions will be made by the majority vote of those present and voting, providing that those votes ‘against’ do not include two-third (2/3), or more, of the members elected from each entity.
f. Each caucus in the House of Peoples shall make decisions by simple ma-jority.
g. After they are adopted in the House of Representatives, all laws are for-warded to the House of Peoples. Every caucus of the constituent peo-ples is entitled within 15 days from the day of receipt of the law, if it considers that the law has violated a vital national interest, to initiate the procedure for the protection of Vital National Interest, by executing a veto. If the procedure for the protection of Vital National Interest is not initiated within the prescribed period of time, the law adopted in the House of Representatives becomes effective.
h. Unless and until the veto is challenged, the appropriate caucus of the House of Peoples shall work to amend laws determined to be destruc-tive to Vital National Interests so that they are no longer considered de-structive.
i. If the appropriate caucus of the House of Peoples amends a law, the law must be resubmitted to the House of Representatives for confirmation, within 30 days from the date of veto.
j. The Parliamentary Assembly shall publish a complete record of its delib-erations and shall, save in exceptional circumstances in accordance with its rules, deliberate publicly.
k. Legislative acts take effect after being published in the Official Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
10. Vital National Interests Veto.
a. The constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina have an inherent right to protect their vital national interests.
b. Vital National Interests shall be protected through the Vital National In-terests Veto.
c. Vital National Interests shall also be protected at the state level.
d. The Vital National Interest Veto may be invoked within the House of Peo-ples regarding:
i. The rights of all three constituent peoples to be repre-sented in legislative, executive, judicial authorities, and to have equal rights to be involved in decision-making processes;
ii. The identity of a constituent people;
iii. Territorial organization;
iv. Organization of the bodies of public authority;
v. Education;
vi. Use of language and alphabet;
vii. National symbols and flags;
viii. Spiritual heritage, particularly the fostering and affirmation of religious and cultural identity and traditions;
ix. Preservation of the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
x. Public information systems;
xi. Amendments to BiH Constitution;
xii. Any issue declared to be a Vital National Interest by 2/3 of one of the caucuses in the House of Peoples.
e. Review of the Use of Vital National Interests Veto
i. The majority of delegates from one of the constituent peo-ples caucuses, for cases from items 10.d. from i. to xi., as well as 2/3 of the delegates from among the ranks of one constituent peoples for cases from item 10.d.xii may invoke the Vital National Interest Veto in the House of Peoples and request that it be included in the agenda in the House of Peoples. The constituent peo-ples caucus that invokes the Vital National Interest Veto must produce a written explanation detailing why it in-voked the Vital National Interest Veto within three (3) days from the day the request from the previous item was submitted.
ii. If the majority of delegates of one of the other constituent peoples caucuses believe that the Vital National Interest Veto was invoked without a reason, they may submit an appeal before the Constitutional Court within 10 days from the day the written explanation was submit-ted.
iii. The Constitutional Court may decide, in accordance with state law and the Constitution, whether the Veto was invoked properly (procedural review), and whether the interest qualified as a vital national interest and whether it violates a vital national interest (review on the merits).
iv. The BiH Constitutional Court must make a decision and submit it to the Parliamentary Assembly within 15 days from the day it received the appeal.
v. If the Constitutional Court determines that the provisions of an adopted law are not harmful to the vital national interest, the law is considered passed the day the Con-stitutional Court announces its decision and becomes effective once it is published.
vi. If the Constitutional Court determines that the law is harmful to the vital national interest, the House of Rep-resentatives shall change the law so that it is not harm-ful to the vital national interest, and in accordance with the Constitutional Court ruling.
11. Dissolution of the Parliamentary Assembly
a) The Parliamentary Assembly may dissolve itself in accordance with the Rules of Procedure.
b) The Parliamentary Assembly shall be dissolved when the House of Repre-sentatives fails to elect the President of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minis-ter) after the third vote.
With these provisions, the provisions of Article IV of the BiH Constitution are modified, except for paragraph 1., item 2, “House of Representatives” in which the number: “42” is replaced by number: “87”, while the re-maining text of paragraph 1. remains unchanged.
Amendment III
In the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Article V paragraph 1. and items 1., 2., and 3. shall be amended and shall read:
Presidency
Bosnia and Herzegovina has a Presidency, which is comprised of a President and two Vice-presidents. The President of the BiH Presi-dency is the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter: the President), and the Vice-presidents in the Presidency are Vice-presidents of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter: Vice-presidents). The President and Vice-presidents must not be from the same con-stituent people.
1. The President shall work cooperatively with the Parliamentary Assembly and the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as other BiH institu-tions to ensure the regular and efficient functioning of the State.
2. Election and the term of office
a. Candidates for the Presidency members may be nominated by 20% of members in the House of Peoples or by 10% of members in the House of Representatives. Candidates shall be directly elected members of the Parliamentary Assembly. Members may support the nomination of one candidate only.
b. Constituent peoples caucuses in the House of Peoples, by majority vote of each caucus, on the basis of nominated proposals, shall select one candidate each, which shall make up a slate of three candidates.
c. The slate of three proposed candidates for President and two Vice-Presidents of BiH shall be forwarded to the House of Representatives for confirmation.
d. The slate shall include at least one member of the Presidency from each entity and the maximum of one member of the Presidency shall come from each people.
e. The term of office of the Presidency shall be 4 years, and the members may be elected for an additional consecutive term.
f. The election of the President, by rotation or in another manner, shall be defined by the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
g. Before assuming the office, the Presidency members shall take an official oath in accordance with the law.
3. Procedures
The President and two Vice-presidents shall determine their Rules of Proce-dure.
4. Duties and Powers of the President.
a. The President:
i. Shall represent the state;
ii. Shall sign and promulgate laws;
iii. Shall appoint and dismiss ambassadors and envoys, in accordance with State law;
iv. Shall sign international agreements in accordance with State law after ratification in the Parliamentary Assembly;
v. Shall confer decorations and other recognitions in accordance with State law;
vi. Shall accredit and receive ambassadors and envoys, in accordance with State law;
vii. Shall grant individual pardons in accordance with State law;
viii. May request convening of sessions of the Council of Ministers and Parlia-mentary Assembly, and propose the agenda for those sessions, and participate in all sessions;
ix. Shall nominate a candidate for President of the Council of Ministers, after consultation with the Vice Presidents and the Parliamentary Assembly;
x. Upon request, and at least once a year, submits reports to the Parlia-mentary Assembly about the expenses of the Presidency;
xi. Performs other duties that may be necessary for carrying out his/her du-ties or those assigned to him/her by the Parliament, in accordance with the Constitution and law.
b) The Presidency, which represents the unity of the state, shall, solely by consensus:
i. Regulate the Defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with State law;
ii. Appoint judges of the Constitutional Court, in accordance with the Consti-tution and State law;
iii. Appoint the members of the Board of Directors of the Central Bank of BiH.
c) Presidential Request for Reconsideration of Legislation
i. Within one week of the passage of a law, the President may ask the Par-liamentary Assembly to reconsider a law or portions of a law;
ii. The President must include the reasons and arguments to explain why he or she has requested the Parliamentary Assembly’s reconsideration;
iii. The Parliamentary Assembly must consider and answer the President’s arguments in writing;
iv. The President may request reconsideration only once per piece of legisla-tion;
v. The President shall be obliged to sign the legislation as adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly.
5. Disability of the President/Vice Presidents in performing duties
a. In the case that the President is temporarily unable to fulfill his or her duties, the President shall appoint a Vice President to assume his or her duties.
b. The President/Vice President shall step down on the basis of disability if he or she is impaired to the extent that he or she is unable to fulfill the duties of the position and will not recover within a reasonable time.
c. If it is unclear whether the President / Vice President is able to fulfill his or her duties, the Constitutional Court shall make such determination at the request of the Council of Ministers, or 1/3 of the Members of the House of Representatives, or the other two Members of the Presidency jointly.
6. Impeachment of the President/Vice President
a. The House of Representatives shall have the power to impeach the Presi-dent/Vice President.
b. President/Vice President may be impeached for incompetence and/or acts in violation of the Constitution, law, or binding norms of the interna-tional law.
c. The House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH may introduce a motion to impeach the President/Vice President.
d. If 2/3 of the Members of the House of Representatives of the Parliamen-tary Assembly, which shall include minimum ½ of the members of the people from which the President/Vice-president comes, he or she shall immediately abdicate the office.
7. Resignation of the President/Vice Presidents
a. The President/Vice President may submit his or her resignation.
8. Succession
The election of a new President/Vice-president, whose mandate has ended in the manner enumerated in items 5, 6, or 7, shall be held within 15 days, in ac-cordance with law.
9. Criminal Liability of the President/Vice Presidents
a. The President/Vice President shall not be held criminally liable in domes-tic courts for acts performed pursuant to and in accordance with his or her official duties during his or her term of office.
b. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall determine whether an act committed by the President/Vice-president is pursuant to and in accordance with his or her official duties.
With these provisions, the provisions of Article V, items 1. 2. and 3. of the cur-rent Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina are replaced.
Amendment IV
In the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Article V, item 4. shall be amended and shall read:
Council of Ministers
The Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the institution of execu-tive authority for the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The Council of Ministers is accountable and responsible to the citizens and peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the Parliamentary Assembly.
The President of the Council of Ministers, that is the Prime Minister, and the Ministers shall together comprise the Council of Ministers. The President of the Council of Ministers, that is the Prime Minister, shall chair the sessions of the Council of Ministers.
1. Election and Mandate
a. The House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly shall elect the Council of Ministers at the beginning of each new term of parlia-ment.
b. The structure of the Council of Ministers shall be determined by the Parliamentary Assembly.
c. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister may not assume power until the entire Council of Ministers is confirmed.
d. Once constituted, the Council of Ministers shall select from its members two Deputy Prime Ministers.
e. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Ministers may not come from the same Constituent Peo-ple.
2. Election of the President of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minister)
a. The President of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall submit the candidate for the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister to the House of Representatives for confirmation, after consultations with po-litical parties represented in the House of Representatives of the Par-liamentary Assembly.
b. Should the candidate for the President of the Council of Minis-ters/the Prime Minister fail to be confirmed, the President shall resub-mit the candidate or propose another candidate within ten (10) days.
c. If the candidate proposed by the President fails to be confirmed on the second ballot, members of the House of Representatives shall have the power to nominate candidates for the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister. The support of at least 1/6 of the mem-bers of the House of Representatives shall be required to nominate candidates for the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister.
d. In the third ballot, the vote shall be taken on the President’s candidate whose confirmation failed in the second ballot and the candidates nomi-nated by House of Representatives. The vote shall be taken on the President’s candidate first, and then in the order in which they were nominated, on the candidates nominated by the House of Representa-tives.
e. The first candidate to receive the necessary majority shall be confirmed as the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister.
3. Election of Ministers
a. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister shall, af-ter confirmation, present a slate of candidates for the Council of Minis-ters to the House of Representatives.
b. Political parties that tend to form the coalition shall offer a list of qualified candidates to the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister to choose from.
c. Should the proposed slate fail to be confirmed by the House of Represen-tatives, the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister shall nominate a new slate. The process shall be repeated until the slate receives the required majority.
d. If the House of Representatives cannot approve a slate of candidates within 30 days, the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister shall lose his mandate and the House of Representatives shall select a new President of the Council of Ministers/Prime Minister in accordance with the Constitution.
e. All Ministers shall take office upon confirmation by the House of Repre-sentatives.
4. Term of Office
Term of office for the Council of Ministers begins on the day they are confirmed and ends on the day that a new Council of Ministers is confirmed.
5. Competencies
The Council of Ministers shall:
a. Defend the Constitution and protect the constitutional rights and welfare of all citizens and peoples;
b. Execute responsibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
c. Ensure sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and in-ternational subjectivity, and internal and external security of the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with the Constitution and law;
d. Conduct foreign policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
e. Execute and enforce acts of the Parliamentary Assembly;
f. Propose legislation to the Parliamentary Assembly;
g. Propose the budget to the Parliamentary Assembly;
h. Issue decrees and regulations necessary to implement the law;
i. Direct the work of the Council of Ministers’ institutions;
j. Ensure the efficient and effective functioning of the State in accordance with the Constitution and law;
k. Ensure that the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina meets its domestic and international obligations in accordance with the Constitution and law;
l. Perform other duties assigned by the Constitution and the law.
6. Powers and Duties of the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister and Ministers
6.1. Powers and duties of the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister
a. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister shall be a Minister without portfolio and shall be responsible for the administra-tion and efficient functioning of the Council of Ministers.
b. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister is jointly responsible with the Ministers for the work of the Council of Ministers.
c. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister shall:
1. Establish the priorities, agenda, and the general direc-tion of the work of the Council of Ministers;
2. Chair the sessions of the Council of Ministers;
3. Ensure the unity of the Council of Ministers;
4. Organize and direct the work of the Council of Minis-ters;
5. Report to the Parliamentary Assembly on the work of the Council of Ministers.
d. The President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister may sus-pend decrees and regulations issued by Ministers under (6.2.(b.4)) if they do not facilitate effective administration of the laws.
6.2. Powers and duties of the Ministers
a. Ministers act collectively as the Council of Ministers and serve individually as the heads of their Ministries.
b. Each Minister shall conduct the affairs of his or her Ministry independ-ently and on his or her own responsibility, but shall be required to:
1. Execute the policies of the Council of Ministers and enforce the laws, regulations and acts of the Council of Ministers within the scope of his or her Ministry, and as assigned by the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister;
2. Propose and make recommendations concerning legislation within the scope of his or her Ministry;
3. Direct, coordinate, and supervise the activities of his or her Ministry;
4. Issue regulations to facilitate the implementation and administration of laws concerning his or her Ministry and those affecting matters as-signed to him or her by the President of the Council of Minis-ters/the Prime Minister, subject to the Constitution and laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina;
5. Formulate, explain, and analyze budgetary proposals concerning his or her Ministry;
6. Respond to inquiries from the Parliamentary Assembly concerning mat-ters within his or her Ministry;
7. Assist the President of the Council of Ministers/the Prime Minister in executing and enforcing policies of the Council of Ministers and laws.
7. Additional Provisions.
a. Composition, decision-making, resignation, recall, no-confidence vote and other matters of concern pertinent to the functioning of the Council of Ministers shall be regulated by law.
b. Ministries and their competencies shall be determined by law.
With these provisions, the provisions of Article V, item 4.of the current Consti-tution of Bosnia and Herzegovina are replaced, except for item 4.b) of this article.

[Real Khan]

S obzirom da sam se vratio sa sastanka, a u međuvremenu niko (pa ni postavljač ove teme) nije komentarisao famozni aprilski paket, ja bih nabacio riječ-dvije na ovu temu... Prije svega, stvarno mi se gadi raspravljati o aprilskom paketu sa raznim stranačkim vojnicima koji nisu ni pročitali taj "paket". Da se zna jednom za sva vremena: DOBRO JE DA TAJ PAKET NIJE USVOJEN, a evo ukratko i zašto:

1. U Predstavničkom domu ostaje entitetsko glasanje i mogućnost blokade rada državnog parlamenta BEZ POTREBE IKAKVOG OBJAŠNJENJA (jednostavno nema dovoljno glasova iz entiteta ovog ili onog i nema odluke ili zakona). Sa druge strane NEMA nikakvog mehanizma DEBLOKADE jer je predviđen odlazak Visokog predstavnika i njegovih "Bonn powers" odmah nakon usvajanja ovih ustavnih promjena. Pogledajte član 11. b), pa će vam se sve objasniti (11. Dissolution of the Parliamentary Assembly
a) The Parliamentary Assembly may dissolve itself in accordance with the Rules of Procedure.
b) The Parliamentary Assembly shall be dissolved when the House of Repre-sentatives fails to elect the President of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minis-ter) after the third vote.). Ovo bi značilo da nakon odlaska Visokog predstavnika nikada ne bismo mogli uspostaviti vlast i država bi bila proglašena "neuspješnom" (failed state) i dajem vam na maštu da zaključite šta bi se dalje moglo dešavati.


2. U Domu naroda, uvodi se na mala vrata "vitalni NACIONALNI interes", umjesto postojećeg instituta zaštite "vitalnog interesa naroda". Dakle, "konstitutivnim" narodima se implicira status "nacija", a sadašnji Ustav nigdje ne spominje nacije ni eksplicitno ni implicitno.

3. Ovaj se "paket" nikako ne uklapa u presudu Međunarodnog suda za ljudska prava u slučaju Sejdić-Finci vs. BiH jer ne dozvoljava izbor u Predsjedništvo pripadnike iz reda "ostalih" građana BiH pored "konstitutivnih naroda". Dakle, i dalje bi nam Ustav kršio sam sebe i međunarodne konvencije o ljudskim pravima koje se u našem slučaju direktno primjenjuju prema slovu Ustava.

I za kraj: Molim vas da ubuduće bacite pogled na ovo gore navedeno pa onda raspravljajte o "padu aprilskog paketa" i "krivcima", jer vjerujte da bi država BiH jednostavno nestala da je usvojen ovaj famozni paket zbog nemogućnosti otklanjanja svih ovih blokada.

[VjecitiStudent]

Entitetsko glasanje imamo i sad, sta bi bilo izgubljeno u odnosu na sadasnje stanje?
U slucaju nedolaska poslanika ove ili one strane, na apsolutno isti nacin mozemo postati 'failed state'.

Na pitanje Dodiku je li moguć scenarij koji podrazumijeva neku vrstu blagog razvoda na način da se svi službenici i nositelji mandata iz Republike Srpske povuku iz zajedničkih državnih institucija, Dodik je samo odgovorio: "Možda svi oni dobiju gripu i onda ne mogu tri godine raditi."

Sta bi bilo dalje? Povuceno bi bilo priznanje BiH jer smo 'failed state'?

Gdje u Aprilskom paketu pishe da nakon usvajanja paketa OHR odlazi? Paket je bio tek dio 5+2 uslova.
Vitalni nacionalni interes imamo i sada, u ustavima FBiH i RS.
Sejdic - Finci, nigdje veze, aprilski paket se desio davno prije.

[nosara]

Entitetsko glasanje imamo i sad, sta bi bilo izgubljeno u odnosu na sadasnje stanje?
U slucaju nedolaska poslanika ove ili one strane, na apsolutno isti nacin mozemo postati 'failed state'.

Na pitanje Dodiku je li moguć scenarij koji podrazumijeva neku vrstu blagog razvoda na način da se svi službenici i nositelji mandata iz Republike Srpske povuku iz zajedničkih državnih institucija, Dodik je samo odgovorio: "Možda svi oni dobiju gripu i onda ne mogu tri godine raditi."

Sta bi bilo dalje? Povuceno bi bilo priznanje BiH jer smo 'failed state'?

Gdje u Aprilskom paketu pishe da nakon usvajanja paketa OHR odlazi? Paket je bio tek dio 5+2 uslova.
Vitalni nacionalni interes imamo i sada, u ustavima FBiH i RS.
Sejdic - Finci, nigdje veze, aprilski paket se desio davno prije.

Ma on je ovu temu aktivirao samo da bi nam objasnio da zuri na neodlozni sastanak...

Inace, slazem se s tobom u ovom slucaju...

[VjecitiStudent]

Ma on je ovu temu aktivirao samo da bi nam objasnio da zuri na neodlozni sastanak...

Inace, slazem se s tobom u ovom slucaju...

Baron je nenadmasan

[zavrzlama]

steta sto se odbi aprilac..danas bi dodik vjerovatno bio najveci zagovornik BIH

aprilski paket je samo jedan u nizu pokusaja Mz da skrene paznju velikosrbima sa povezivanja kosova i rs-a...zapadni analiticari su precijenili opasnost koju moze prouzrokovasti odlazak Kosova,jer su kontali da dodik i velikosrpska struja u BIH mogu napraviti ozbiljnijih problema u BIH...medjutim danas shvataju da dodik nije sposoban dici veca desavanja naroda od slavuja i vasica,lepog spire i namrgodjenog radmanovica....prave ustavne promjene u BIH ce biti inicirane iz srbije kad srbija pusti niz vodu prekodrinsku bratiju zbog vlastitih interesa..odlazak Kosova je BIH pretrpjela...sad se izlazi iz stagnacije i prelazi u fazu gdje kocnicario BIH napredka nemaju kredit zvani "kosovo"..sad velikosrbi i dodik kao adut u inacenju sa MZ i nama u BIH imaju samo srpski narod...


Bajic :

"porazom velikosrpstva se otvara mogucnost i poraza srpskog naroda"

zabog ove mogucnosti mz i blago podilazi velikosrbima a ne zbog toga sto im je prihvatljiva dodikova fasisticka retorika i politika...velikosrbi su ispucali i vrijeme i adute....sad dolaze sukobi izmedju njih samih,jer para nema,vojne sile nigdje a zivljenje u drzavi koju ne volis postaje nesnosljivo

[kiky]

davno završena priča ...
dobro je da nije prihvačen taj paket ...
za nadat se da če poslije izbora, na tapetu biti, daleko ozbiljnije i korjenitije ustavne reforme ...

[brucos7]

S obzirom da sam se vratio sa sastanka, a u međuvremenu niko (pa ni postavljač ove teme) nije komentarisao famozni aprilski paket, ja bih nabacio riječ-dvije na ovu temu... Prije svega, stvarno mi se gadi raspravljati o aprilskom paketu sa raznim stranačkim vojnicima koji nisu ni pročitali taj "paket". Da se zna jednom za sva vremena: DOBRO JE DA TAJ PAKET NIJE USVOJEN, a evo ukratko i zašto:

1. U Predstavničkom domu ostaje entitetsko glasanje i mogućnost blokade rada državnog parlamenta BEZ POTREBE IKAKVOG OBJAŠNJENJA (jednostavno nema dovoljno glasova iz entiteta ovog ili onog i nema odluke ili zakona). Sa druge strane NEMA nikakvog mehanizma DEBLOKADE jer je predviđen odlazak Visokog predstavnika i njegovih "Bonn powers" odmah nakon usvajanja ovih ustavnih promjena. Pogledajte član 11. b), pa će vam se sve objasniti (11. Dissolution of the Parliamentary Assembly
a) The Parliamentary Assembly may dissolve itself in accordance with the Rules of Procedure.
b) The Parliamentary Assembly shall be dissolved when the House of Repre-sentatives fails to elect the President of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minis-ter) after the third vote.). Ovo bi značilo da nakon odlaska Visokog predstavnika nikada ne bismo mogli uspostaviti vlast i država bi bila proglašena "neuspješnom" (failed state) i dajem vam na maštu da zaključite šta bi se dalje moglo dešavati.


2. U Domu naroda, uvodi se na mala vrata "vitalni NACIONALNI interes", umjesto postojećeg instituta zaštite "vitalnog interesa naroda". Dakle, "konstitutivnim" narodima se implicira status "nacija", a sadašnji Ustav nigdje ne spominje nacije ni eksplicitno ni implicitno.

3. Ovaj se "paket" nikako ne uklapa u presudu Međunarodnog suda za ljudska prava u slučaju Sejdić-Finci vs. BiH jer ne dozvoljava izbor u Predsjedništvo pripadnike iz reda "ostalih" građana BiH pored "konstitutivnih naroda". Dakle, i dalje bi nam Ustav kršio sam sebe i međunarodne konvencije o ljudskim pravima koje se u našem slučaju direktno primjenjuju prema slovu Ustava.

I za kraj: Molim vas da ubuduće bacite pogled na ovo gore navedeno pa onda raspravljajte o "padu aprilskog paketa" i "krivcima", jer vjerujte da bi država BiH jednostavno nestala da je usvojen ovaj famozni paket zbog nemogućnosti otklanjanja svih ovih blokada.

Svaka cast! Narod jer NEPISMEN i vjeruje u ono sta mu drugi serviraju.Ocito je da je Silajdzic zaustavio raspadanje drzave, a tupoglavci tipa Tihic i radoncic ocito bi i danas prihvatili ovakvu kapitulaciju!

[Real Khan]

Entitetsko glasanje imamo i sad, sta bi bilo izgubljeno u odnosu na sadasnje stanje?
U slucaju nedolaska poslanika ove ili one strane, na apsolutno isti nacin mozemo postati 'failed state'.

Na pitanje Dodiku je li moguć scenarij koji podrazumijeva neku vrstu blagog razvoda na način da se svi službenici i nositelji mandata iz Republike Srpske povuku iz zajedničkih državnih institucija, Dodik je samo odgovorio: "Možda svi oni dobiju gripu i onda ne mogu tri godine raditi."

Sta bi bilo dalje? Povuceno bi bilo priznanje BiH jer smo 'failed state'?

Gdje u Aprilskom paketu pishe da nakon usvajanja paketa OHR odlazi? Paket je bio tek dio 5+2 uslova.
Vitalni nacionalni interes imamo i sada, u ustavima FBiH i RS.
Sejdic - Finci, nigdje veze, aprilski paket se desio davno prije.

Ma on je ovu temu aktivirao samo da bi nam objasnio da zuri na neodlozni sastanak...

Inace, slazem se s tobom u ovom slucaju...

Da, i sada imamo entitetsko glasanje, ali imamo i Visokog predstavnika koji može (i mora dok god je tu) deblokirati opstrukciju. U aprilskom paketu ne piše da OHR odlazi, iz prostog razloga što se OHR u Ustavu ne spominje, a ovaj "paket" tretira amandmane na Ustav...međutim, to je bio dio ukupnog dogovora koji bi se aktivirao u slučaju da se usvojio ovaj "paket". Kontaš?
Tzv. "vitalni nacionalni interes" u entitetskim ustavima je obična glupost koja samo dokazuje da se ustavi blentiteta i dalje moraju usklađivati sa državnim Ustavom, tj. ukazuje se na činjenicu da su entitetski ustavi neustavni u odnosu na državni.
A što se tiče Sejdić-Finci vs. BiH, naravno da se aprilski paket dešavao prije, ali zar nije bio cilj tih "promjena" da se ovaj dejtonski nakaradni Ustav izmijeni nekim "paketom" koji će učiniti državu funkcionalnijom i usklađenijom sa međunarodnim konvencijama...Ovo sam dodao jer se dokazalo da bi i dalje Ustav bio diskriminatoran, čak i da je prošao u Parlamentarnoj Skupštini. Kontaš? Da nacrtam?

..i da, ovu temu sam aktivirao samo da kažem tebi da, eto, imam sastanak Šta ćeš sad'? Ja zadovoljan, a ti?

[bicebolje]

[Real Khan]

Ovo je dokaz koliko ima sarkazma i ironije u SDA sloganu: "NAROD ZNA"... Ma narod veze nema i zato nasjeda (na rudu) pričama političara, puše svakodnevnu demagogiju i nikada pameti neće doći. Znači, ako Dodik kaže da je "zahvalan Silajdžiću na rušenju aprilskog paketa" i da je taj paket prošao "oni bi ispali politički naivci", mi svi trebamo povjerovati...Isto tako bismo trebali vjerovati Dodiku i sve ostalo u što ubjeđuje svoje stado, zar ne? E, moj naivni narode...

[Novi_Nick]

Ovo je dokaz koliko ima sarkazma i ironije u SDA sloganu: "NAROD ZNA"... Ma narod veze nema i zato nasjeda (na rudu) pričama političara, puše svakodnevnu demagogiju i nikada pameti neće doći. Znači, ako Dodik kaže da je "zahvalan Silajdžiću na rušenju aprilskog paketa" i da je taj paket prošao "oni bi ispali politički naivci", mi svi trebamo povjerovati...Isto tako bismo trebali vjerovati Dodiku i sve ostalo u što ubjeđuje svoje stado, zar ne? E, moj naivni narode...

Pa kako ce narod (u ovom slucaju Bosnjaci) znati ako nisu sebi dali za cilj da nesto nauce i znaju. Da bi se nesto znalo mora se aktivirati, uciti i raditi. Vecini bosnjackih gradjana je izgleda tesko da se sami bave politikom pa su ostavili drugima da se ti neki drugi bave i njima i politikom i svim ostalim. Oni bi da im to sve neko drugi procita, prevede, razjasni i na kraju servira. Nije ni cudo na sta su Bosnjaci svedeni i teritorijalno i ekonomski i na sve druge nacine iz samo jednog jednostavnog razloga sto im je tesko da se ukljuce sami u ucenje, rad i rjesavanje problema.Nije ni cudo da su do sada ovako politicki, ekonomski i na sve druge moguce nacine izmanipulisani popljackani i izvarani. Kako rade dobro su zivi ikako i dobro imaju ista. Da naglasim da je ovaj moj prilog samo pozitivna i konstruktivna kritika prvenstveno namjenjena gradjanima Bosnjacima.

[PipiDugaDevetka]

Ovo je dokaz koliko ima sarkazma i ironije u SDA sloganu: "NAROD ZNA"... Ma narod veze nema i zato nasjeda (na rudu) pričama političara, puše svakodnevnu demagogiju i nikada pameti neće doći. Znači, ako Dodik kaže da je "zahvalan Silajdžiću na rušenju aprilskog paketa" i da je taj paket prošao "oni bi ispali politički naivci", mi svi trebamo povjerovati...Isto tako bismo trebali vjerovati Dodiku i sve ostalo u što ubjeđuje svoje stado, zar ne? E, moj naivni narode...

Pa kako ce narod (u ovom slucaju Bosnjaci) znati ako nisu sebi dali za cilj da nesto nauce i znaju. Da bi se nesto znalo mora se aktivirati, uciti i raditi. Vecini bosnjackih gradjana je izgleda tesko da se sami bave politikom pa su ostavili drugima da se ti neki drugi bave i njima i politikom i svim ostalim. Oni bi da im to sve neko drugi procita, prevede, razjasni i na kraju servira. Nije ni cudo na sta su Bosnjaci svedeni i teritorijalno i ekonomski i na sve druge nacine iz samo jednog jednostavnog razloga sto im je tesko da se ukljuce sami u ucenje, rad i rjesavanje problema.Nije ni cudo da su do sada ovako politicki, ekonomski i na sve druge moguce nacine izmanipulisani popljackani i izvarani. Kako rade dobro su zivi ikako i dobro imaju ista. Da naglasim da je ovaj moj prilog samo pozitivna i konstruktivna kritika prvenstveno namjenjena gradjanima Bosnjacima.

Internet je čudo. Vidio sam vijest da je sada u BiH ''konektovano'', ima pristup internetu, 37% građana, za razliku od 2002.g. kada je bilo svega 4%.
Svi na internet, internet za sve!

Predviđam čudo na dan 3. oktobra/listopada!

[1gorstak]

"Hvala Harise..."

Dodik bi dao da mu se desnu ruku amputira do lakta, ako bi to bila cijena prolaska Aprilskog paketa. Na njegovu zalost, to vise nije opcija i ustavna reforma (kada je god bude) sadrzavace sustinske izmjene koje se ticu kljucnog problema naseg drustva; zloupotreba sistema blokada.

[cyprus]

Sa obaranjem aprilskog paketa se zaustavio napredak ove države, radikalizacija međuetničkih odnosa se naglo povećala, a međunarodna zajednica se pasivizirala u pogledu pritiskanja domaćih političkih snaga da rade svoj posao. Rezultat toga su protekle 4 godine...

HVALA HARISE!!!