Danasnji "feminizam"

[konoplja]

Pratim.
dižem za

Jao Hane elite.
Al' okej, humoristicno je. Sto jes jes.

[John Cleese]

To je taj generacijski jaz.

Kanjon, kanabisu, kanjon

A i bio mi je sumnjiv

[piupiu]

Kanjon, kanabisu, kanjon

A i bio mi je sumnjiv

Jes' vidio, dimi se

[Bloo]

Nešto novo, nešto divlje, 19. stoljeće, početak 20. stoljeća. Neke ideje su prisutne i danas.
https://voxfeminae.net/strasne-zene/taj ... ins-gilman

Tajna žute sobe – Priča o Charlotte Perkins Gilman

Iako je široj publici najpoznatija kao autorica kratke priče Žute tapete (The Yellow Wallpaper, 1890.), Charlotte Perkins Gilman ostavila je dubok trag u povijesti feminizma i borbe za ljudska prava općenito.

Svojim javnim nastupima i neumornim novinarsko-spisateljskim radom nastojala je senzibilizirati javnost za probleme poput rasizma i rodne nejednakosti koji su duboko obilježili američko društvo na prijelazu iz devetnaestog u dvadeseto stoljeće. Njezine ideje i praktični prijedlozi (poput podjele kućanskih poslova) bili su neobično napredni za doba u kome je živjela.

Privatni život

Charlotte Perkins Gilman rođena je 3. srpnja 1860. godine u gradiću Hartfordu, u američkoj saveznoj državi Connecticut. Nakon što ih je otac napustio, malena obitelj Perkins (majka i dvoje djece) našla se u nezavidnoj financijskoj poziciji. No, mnogo su gore od materijalnih bile emocionalne posljedice: Charlottina majka, Mary Perkins, teško je podnijela suprugov odlazak. Sasvim se povukla u sebe, a prema djeci nije iskazivala gotovo nikakve emocije (u svojoj autobiografiji Gilman navodi kako bi joj se majka obraćala s ljubavlju jedino kada je mislila da spava).

Ne bi li zaštitila svoje potomstvo od boli koju je sama osjećala, branila im je da čitaju beletristiku i druže se s drugom djecom.

Čak i u tako ranoj dobi Gilman je pokazala nevjerojatnu snagu volje i odlučnost: sama je naučila čitati u dobi od pet godina, a kasnije je mnogo vremena provodila u knjižnici čitajući o drevnim civilizacijama, biologiji, čak i fizici.
Neko se vrijeme uzdržavala oslikavanjem čestitki. Vlastitom lošem predosjećaju usprkos, 1884. godine se udala za umjetnika Charlesa Waltera Stetsona. Nakon rođenja kćeri godinu dana kasnije, Gilman je oboljela od teške postporođajne psihoze. Nakon niza neuspješnih pokušaja liječenja, rastala se od supruga (rijedak i odvažan potez u devetnaestom stoljeću!) i sa kćeri odselila u Kaliforniju.

1900. godine ponovno se udaje, ovoga puta za svog rođaka Houghtona Gilmana. Tridesete godine dvadesetog stoljeća donijele su niz nedaća za Charlotte Perkins Gilman: dijagnosticiran joj je rak dojke, a 1934. preminuo joj je suprug. Naposlijetku je odlučila uzeti stvari u svoje ruke: 17. kolovoza, 1935. godine počinila je samoubojstvo uzevši preveliku dozu kloroforma.

“Odabrala sam kloroform umjesto raka,” napisala je u svom oproštajnom pismu.

Društveni angažman

Charlotte Perkins Gilman bila je aktivna članica niza feminističkih udruga. Uređivala je i/ili pisala priloge za mnoge od službenih glasila tih udruga, a i sama je pokrenula i uređivala nekoliko utjecajnih časopisa. Putovala je diljem Sjedinjenih Država kako bi držala predavanja o nizu aktualnih tema, poput rodne nejednakosti, radničkih prava, društvenih reformi i sl.

U svom traktatu Žene i ekonomija (Women and Economics, 1898.), istaknula je ekonomsku jednakost kao preduvjet rodnoj jednakosti. Žene, piše Gilman, nikada neće moći biti jednake muškarcima sve dok im se ne omogući da žive od vlastitog rada. Kao moguće rješenje, predlagala je da se vođenje domaćinstva uvrsti na popis plaćenih poslova.
Pet godina kasnije (1903.), oštro se obrušila na dom kao mjesto eksploatacije i porobljavanja, koje izuzetno loše utječe na ženino mentalno stanje (djelo The Home: Its Work and Influence). Javno je odbacivala tada općeprihvaćena uvjerenja o postojanju ‘muškog’ i ‘ženskog’ mozga, te biološkoj uvjetovanosti pojedinog spola za određene poslove i karakteristike.

Smatrala je kako je odgoj (nurture), a ne biologija (nature), taj kojime se definiraju rodne uloge. U skladu s tim, zalagala se za to da odjeća, igračke i odgojne mjere budu jednake za dječake i djevojčice. Napredna kakva je bila, smatrala je kako i muškarci trebaju sudjelovati u kućanskim poslovima dok je, s druge strane, nužno da i žene rade i zarađuju izvan doma.


Žute tapete

Već spomenuta kratka priča koja je Gilmanici osigurala mjesto u književnim antologijama, Žute tapete, sadrži niz autobiografskih elemenata.

Priča o novopečenoj majci koju suprug (inače liječnik) drži zatvorenu u sobi oblijepljenoj žutim tapetama unatoč njenom protivljenju, u velikoj je mjeri priča same Gilman.
Nakon rođenja kćeri, zapala je u postporođajnu depresiju koja u to vrijeme nije bila prepoznata kao klinički poremećaj, već ju se odbacivalo kao histerični simptom, tek jednu od brojnih ‘ženskih’ mušica.

Dr. Mitchell, zadužen za Gilmaničin slučaj, propisao joj je mnogo odmora i što manje aktivnosti:

“Nakon svakog obroka odmarajte barem sat vremena. Intelektualnim aktivnostima ne posvećujte više od dva sata dnevno. I nikada, dokle god ste živi, ne uzimajte u ruke ni pero, ni kist, ni olovku.”

Gilman je poslala svom bivšem liječniku primjerak priče, ne bi li ga na taj način uvjerila u neučinkovitost njegovih medicinskih metoda. Iako je sama autorica u svom dnevniku zabilježila kako je uspjela u svom naumu, kasniji su proučavatelji njenog opusa otkrila kako tome, nažalost, ipak nije bilo tako. Uvaženi dr. Mitchell nastavio je svojim pacijenticama propisivati potpunu pasivnost do kraja svoje karijere.

Osim proze (najvećim djelom kratke priče) Charlotte Perkins Gilman pisala je i poeziju – najpoznatije su joj zbirke U ovom našem svijetu (In This Our World, 1893.) i Sufražetske pjesme i stihovi (Suffrage Songs and Verses, 1911.). Valja spomenuti i brojne eseje, zbirke pisama, traktate i dramske tekstove.

[MarlboroGold]

onaj gore bradonja isti insomnia

[MarlboroGold]

Ma ne mogu u istu rečenicu sa ovom dvojicom, već sam samo uporedio kvalitet kad je publika u pitanju. Chomsky i ne voli Žižeka iz više razloga i ne smatra ga nekim intelektualcem, ali to je njegovo mišljenje naravno

Foucault i Chomski su intelektualci starog kova, njihov diskurs je daleko više akademski, što će reći i daleko više hermetičan široj publici. Peterson i Žižek svoje ideje artikuliraju mnogo jasnije i prijemčivije, što ih ne čini nužno manje intelektualcima, samo su svjesni da je akademski diskurs izgubio ulogu koju je nekada imao, onu osnovnog medij prenosa velikih ideja. Moglo bi se raspravljati zašto je to slučaj, ali promjena je vidljiva neovisno od ove dvojice, kao šire kulturno pitanje.

Jbg meni ne leži ovo danas. Možemo li se to kako vratiti na stari akademski diskurs ili je već kasno za tako nešto?
Kvalitetniji su mi podcasti od toga.

[MarlboroGold]

[MarlboroGold]

Veći problem od nacionalizma su korupcija i kriminal. Svi ovi na vrhu su spremni okrenuti narode protiv ostalih i po cijenu rata samo da ne odgovaraju za naprijed navedeno. Problem je što je to dvoje ušlo u sve pore ovog društva do te mjere da mnogi doktori danas očekuju neki dar da bi te uopšte primili, a kamo li gledali kao malo vode na dlanu. Hiljade je takvih primjera.

Ako nisam nacionalista, lopov iz mog naroda bi pokušao da svoj kriminal sakrije tako što će me ubjeđivati da je kriv onaj iz dugog naroda, ali ja ću mu odgovoriti da ne sere i da odgovara za kriminal.

Ako jesam nacionalista, to će mu uspjeti.

A to znači da nacionalizam ako nije veći, nije niša manji problem od korupcije. Treba ga paralelno rješavati, ne poslije.

Možeš ti bacati sjeme nacionalzma, mora tlo na koje ga bacaš biti plodno da nikne.

Ratovi početkom 1990-ih kod nas su se dogodili u zajednici u kojoj nisu bile prevelike ekonomske razlike da bi priča da ti neko uzima posao mogao biti razlog. Počeli su na priču da će "naš" narod biti prvo oslobođen od jarma koji nam je stavio drugi narod(i), a zatim akobogda postati glavni. A to je ne samo nacionalizam nego i šovinizam.

Kako znamo, uspjelo je, ratovi su se desili pod tim "izgovorom"

Ne potcjenjujte nacionalizam našeg čovjeka, živ je u njemu, zdrav i pojak.

Poenta je da kad ono dvoje regulišeš regulisaćeš uveliko i nacionalizam. Sprski malo teže od svih ostalih, jer u istom učestvuju apsolutno sve strukture od crkve pa do naroda. To oni iznutra sami moraju srediti.

[Bloo]

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/20 ... -abortion/

Pa nemoj biti radikalan/radikalna.

The 10-year-old rape victim was pregnant, and asking a court to authorize an abortion.

She found herself sitting under a crucifix in the courtroom in southern Brazil, across from a judge and prosecutor who repeatedly urged her to continue the pregnancy.

Could the girl stand to be pregnant “a little while longer?” Brazilian Judge Joana Ribeiro Zimmer asked. Did she “want to name the baby?”

When those entreaties failed, the prosecutor jumped in. Would the girl consider adoption “instead of letting him die — because it is already a baby, a child — instead of letting him die in agony?”

Ribeiro Zimmer ordered the girl taken from her family — to protect the fetus, she said.

Leaked video of the hearing, published in June by the Intercept Brazil, has shaken Latin America’s largest country, which maintains tight restrictions on abortion.

The procedure is legal in Brazil only in cases of rape, incest or severe fetal abnormality. But advocates for abortion rights say the case of the 10-year-old shows how even women with a permissible reason face resistance from hospital policies, red tape and an often hostile judiciary.

“What we see in Brazil and in other countries in Latin America where abortion is criminalized, on top of the law, there are barriers created that make it harder to access care,” said Debora Diniz, an anthropologist at the University of Brasilia who studies abortion rights. “And the most vulnerable people, the most fragile, are the most impacted.”

Diniz said cases such as the child’s could foreshadow what is to come in the United States now that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade: “When there is a state of judicial insecurity, as we see now in the United States, with each state deciding its own policy, that insecurity creates a space ripe for misinformation and fear.”

How green became the color of abortion rights

The legal ambiguity around abortion spooks doctors who don’t want to risk lawsuits or prison time. Brazil’s Health Ministry issued a memo last month saying “every abortion is a crime” but that penalties may be waived in “specific cases.”

Doctors convicted of performing an illegal abortion risk up to four years in prison. Many prefer to err on the side of caution, even when it might be detrimental to the victims.

More than 17,000 children aged 10 to 14 in Brazil become pregnant each year, according to government figures. These mothers are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women over 20, and also have greater chances of suffering uterine ruptures, preeclampsia and anemia.

Cases of rape victims seeking legal abortion have become lightning rods for both sides of Brazil’s abortion debate.

In 2020, antiabortion activists, including several politicians, gathered outside a hospital in northern Brazil to protest a legal abortion for another 10-year-old. Authorities said the girl had been impregnated by her uncle, who raped her repeatedly. When her hospital in Espírito Santo state denied her an abortion, she was taken to a hospital in Recife, more than 1,000 miles away.

Antiabortion activists leaked her name and the location of the hospital. They protested there while the procedure was performed and called her doctor an assassin. The girl has since joined the witness protection program and changed her name and address.

But public opinion is changing. Polls show support for complete abortion bans is falling, and abortion rights activists are hopeful the country will join the “green wave” of legalization that has swept Mexico, Colombia and Argentina. A case waiting to be heard by Brazil’s supreme court calls for the decriminalization of abortion through 12 weeks of gestation.

In the recent case, the girl, from the southern state of Santa Catarina, discovered she was 22 weeks pregnant in May. It was 22 weeks and two days when she sought an abortion at a hospital in Florianópolis, the state capital.

Federal law guarantees rape victims a right to the procedure at any stage of the pregnancy. But Brazil’s Health Ministry recommends that all abortions be conducted before 22 weeks. The hospital, citing that guidance, refused to perform the procedure without judicial authorization.

Neither the girl nor her hometown have been publicly identified. The hearing was held in Tijucas, outside Florianópolis, in May.

Ribeiro Zimmer, the judge, asked the child if she would be willing to stay pregnant “two or three more weeks” to allow the fetus to grow. She also asked whether the girl could feel the baby’s kicks, and whether her rapist would agree to give it up for adoption.

Ribeiro Zimmer turned to the victim’s mother.

“In terms of the little baby, do you understand that if we interrupt the pregnancy, the baby is born and we have to wait for the baby to die?” she said, falsely. “Can you understand that? That it is immense cruelty? That the baby will be born and cry until he dies?”

Throughout the hearing, the girl repeated that she did not want to continue the pregnancy and deliver the baby. But she eventually agreed to Ribeiro Zimmer’s request that she wait “a few more weeks” to increase the fetus’s chances of survival outside her uterus for potential adoption.

In her ruling, the judge equated abortion to homicide and ordered the girl to a shelter to prevent “the mother from conducting any procedure that leads to the death of the baby.” She was separated from her family for more than 40 days.

After the video was published, state authorities said the girl was removed from her home while prosecutors investigated whether she was raped by a family member — not for the safety of the fetus.

While the girl waited at the shelter, the case divided Brazilians.

“The baby has SEVEN MONTHS of gestation, regardless of how he was conceived or whether or not he is protected under law,” President Jair Bolsonaro tweeted. “It is inadmissible to talk about taking away the life of this defenseless being!”

Activists for abortion rights, meanwhile, took to the streets, demanding the girl be released from the shelter and granted her abortion. Over 300,000 women signed a petition calling for the judge’s dismissal.

Brazil’s federal public prosecutor’s office ultimately ordered the hospital to perform the procedure, and on June 23, the girl, now 11, had an abortion. The office “lamented the sad occurrence” of the hearing and said it was investigating the conduct of the hospital and the judge. The supreme court asked the Health Ministry to review its recommendation on when abortions should be conducted and that states that all abortions are illegal. Ribeiro Zimmer has been promoted into another role and is no longer on the case.

Juliana Cesario Alvim, a lawyer who worked with the 10-year-old victim’s team, is hopeful of change.

“If it is possible to see something positive from this tragedy, it is the mobilization it generated,” she said. Even if this case is resolved, we understand we have to continue mobilizing, to call on the international community, to increase visibility and pressure. The fight for the legalization of abortion is here.”

[konoplja]

Chomski jeste um, ali je i um koji je napisao čitavu knjigu u kojoj podržava Miloševića i maltene ga promoviiše u anti-imperijalističkog borca, davno, doduše - ali ne znam da je ikada promijenio svoju poziciju na tu temu? Moj idol Christopher Hitchens, koji je oličenje savršenog intelektualca, je podržavao rat i u Iraku, takodje uprskos svim činjenicama koje su i tada i laiku dostupne da je rat bio pripremljen i da nije bilo nikakvih WMD... i nije odstupio od te pozicije. Drugim riječima, nema savršenih autoriteta, niti njihovo mišljenje treba posmatrati kao Božju riječ.

Normalno da ne treba. Jesam li to ostavio dojam da nepropitujem autoritete?
Sto se Hitchensa tice, slazem se s tobom. Ogromno postovanje imam prema njemu. On i Chomsky su najvise oblikovali moje razumjevanje sto se tice slobode govora i izrazavanja. Radi njih postujem taj famozni prvi amandman. Mislim da su u pravu tu i ne svida mi se da u Europi postoje zakoni oko govora mrznje. Sto je skakljiva tema, koja je nedavno aktuelna u BiH bila sa ovim zakonima o poricanju ratnih zlocina i genocida u Srebrenici.
Kako god, Hitchens je to po meni najbolje objasni ovdje:



A sto se tice rata u Iraku, nisam nikada mislio da je Hitchensu veliku ulogu igralo postojanje WMD tamo ili ne. Moja je impresija bila da je njemu glavni motiv za rat u Iraku bilo da se svrgne Saddam Hussein jer ga je smatrao tiraninom u ravni Hitlera i Staljina. Nekako mi se cini da bi on bio za intervenciju u Iraku cak i bez tog izgovora o WMD.

[konoplja]

Reći za Foucaulta da je amoralan (ne nemoralan, nego amoralan), ne znam u kojem kontekstu je to rekao - ali me ne čudi, Amerika je u vrijeme njihovih debata po mom mišljenju bila izuzetno konzervativno društvo u kojem se moral uvijek pojavljuje kao dominantna tema - a Foucault je čak i za Francusku bio avangardan intelektualac. Evo te njihove čuvene debate. Vrijedi pogledati iz više razloga.

Uh ja. Zaboravio sam ovaj dio.
Kontekst je neposredno nakon njihovog razgovora, ako je vjerovati Jamesu Milleru u The Passion of Michael Foucault. Ne cudi ni mene da je to rekao. Postmodernizam ide skupa sa moralnim i kulturnim relativizmom. Chomsky ipak vjeruje u postojanje univerzalnog.

[Hakiz]

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/20 ... -abortion/

Pa nemoj biti radikalan/radikalna.

The 10-year-old rape victim was pregnant, and asking a court to authorize an abortion.

She found herself sitting under a crucifix in the courtroom in southern Brazil, across from a judge and prosecutor who repeatedly urged her to continue the pregnancy.

Could the girl stand to be pregnant “a little while longer?” Brazilian Judge Joana Ribeiro Zimmer asked. Did she “want to name the baby?”

When those entreaties failed, the prosecutor jumped in. Would the girl consider adoption “instead of letting him die — because it is already a baby, a child — instead of letting him die in agony?”

Ribeiro Zimmer ordered the girl taken from her family — to protect the fetus, she said.

Leaked video of the hearing, published in June by the Intercept Brazil, has shaken Latin America’s largest country, which maintains tight restrictions on abortion.

The procedure is legal in Brazil only in cases of rape, incest or severe fetal abnormality. But advocates for abortion rights say the case of the 10-year-old shows how even women with a permissible reason face resistance from hospital policies, red tape and an often hostile judiciary.

“What we see in Brazil and in other countries in Latin America where abortion is criminalized, on top of the law, there are barriers created that make it harder to access care,” said Debora Diniz, an anthropologist at the University of Brasilia who studies abortion rights. “And the most vulnerable people, the most fragile, are the most impacted.”

Diniz said cases such as the child’s could foreshadow what is to come in the United States now that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade: “When there is a state of judicial insecurity, as we see now in the United States, with each state deciding its own policy, that insecurity creates a space ripe for misinformation and fear.”

How green became the color of abortion rights

The legal ambiguity around abortion spooks doctors who don’t want to risk lawsuits or prison time. Brazil’s Health Ministry issued a memo last month saying “every abortion is a crime” but that penalties may be waived in “specific cases.”

Doctors convicted of performing an illegal abortion risk up to four years in prison. Many prefer to err on the side of caution, even when it might be detrimental to the victims.

More than 17,000 children aged 10 to 14 in Brazil become pregnant each year, according to government figures. These mothers are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women over 20, and also have greater chances of suffering uterine ruptures, preeclampsia and anemia.

Cases of rape victims seeking legal abortion have become lightning rods for both sides of Brazil’s abortion debate.

In 2020, antiabortion activists, including several politicians, gathered outside a hospital in northern Brazil to protest a legal abortion for another 10-year-old. Authorities said the girl had been impregnated by her uncle, who raped her repeatedly. When her hospital in Espírito Santo state denied her an abortion, she was taken to a hospital in Recife, more than 1,000 miles away.

Antiabortion activists leaked her name and the location of the hospital. They protested there while the procedure was performed and called her doctor an assassin. The girl has since joined the witness protection program and changed her name and address.

But public opinion is changing. Polls show support for complete abortion bans is falling, and abortion rights activists are hopeful the country will join the “green wave” of legalization that has swept Mexico, Colombia and Argentina. A case waiting to be heard by Brazil’s supreme court calls for the decriminalization of abortion through 12 weeks of gestation.

In the recent case, the girl, from the southern state of Santa Catarina, discovered she was 22 weeks pregnant in May. It was 22 weeks and two days when she sought an abortion at a hospital in Florianópolis, the state capital.

Federal law guarantees rape victims a right to the procedure at any stage of the pregnancy. But Brazil’s Health Ministry recommends that all abortions be conducted before 22 weeks. The hospital, citing that guidance, refused to perform the procedure without judicial authorization.

Neither the girl nor her hometown have been publicly identified. The hearing was held in Tijucas, outside Florianópolis, in May.

Ribeiro Zimmer, the judge, asked the child if she would be willing to stay pregnant “two or three more weeks” to allow the fetus to grow. She also asked whether the girl could feel the baby’s kicks, and whether her rapist would agree to give it up for adoption.

Ribeiro Zimmer turned to the victim’s mother.

“In terms of the little baby, do you understand that if we interrupt the pregnancy, the baby is born and we have to wait for the baby to die?” she said, falsely. “Can you understand that? That it is immense cruelty? That the baby will be born and cry until he dies?”

Throughout the hearing, the girl repeated that she did not want to continue the pregnancy and deliver the baby. But she eventually agreed to Ribeiro Zimmer’s request that she wait “a few more weeks” to increase the fetus’s chances of survival outside her uterus for potential adoption.

In her ruling, the judge equated abortion to homicide and ordered the girl to a shelter to prevent “the mother from conducting any procedure that leads to the death of the baby.” She was separated from her family for more than 40 days.

After the video was published, state authorities said the girl was removed from her home while prosecutors investigated whether she was raped by a family member — not for the safety of the fetus.

While the girl waited at the shelter, the case divided Brazilians.

“The baby has SEVEN MONTHS of gestation, regardless of how he was conceived or whether or not he is protected under law,” President Jair Bolsonaro tweeted. “It is inadmissible to talk about taking away the life of this defenseless being!”

Activists for abortion rights, meanwhile, took to the streets, demanding the girl be released from the shelter and granted her abortion. Over 300,000 women signed a petition calling for the judge’s dismissal.

Brazil’s federal public prosecutor’s office ultimately ordered the hospital to perform the procedure, and on June 23, the girl, now 11, had an abortion. The office “lamented the sad occurrence” of the hearing and said it was investigating the conduct of the hospital and the judge. The supreme court asked the Health Ministry to review its recommendation on when abortions should be conducted and that states that all abortions are illegal. Ribeiro Zimmer has been promoted into another role and is no longer on the case.

Juliana Cesario Alvim, a lawyer who worked with the 10-year-old victim’s team, is hopeful of change.

“If it is possible to see something positive from this tragedy, it is the mobilization it generated,” she said. Even if this case is resolved, we understand we have to continue mobilizing, to call on the international community, to increase visibility and pressure. The fight for the legalization of abortion is here.”

Kako li se samo feminizam i religije mogu pomiriti? Religije i feminizam su "prirodni" neprijatelji.

[piupiu]

Eis. Ne može post o Halimi Kristijana Iličića, ne vidi se. Pogledajte ako naidjete.

Uspio sam pronaći Halimu! Ovu hrabru ženu upoznao sam prije 2 godine kad sam posjetio Bamyan. Ona je odvjetnica koja je na sudu zastupala mnoge žene koje su imale probleme u dogovorenim brakovima, zauzimala se za ravnopravnost žena, željela je svijetu pokazati da u Afganistanu postoje hrabre žene koje se bore za sebe. Bila je i uspješna poduzetnica, vodila je svoj restoran s kojim je hranila čak šest obitelji.
Kad sam je tada pitao bi li željela živjeti negdje drugdje, rekla je da voli svoj grad, da se u njemu osjeća slobodno. Na kraju našeg razgovora izrazila je bojazan da će talibani pobijediti i da bi moglo biti gore nego prije.

Kad je Afganistan 9 mjeseci kasnije posve pao u ruke talibana, pokušao sam doprijeti do nje, no nije se javljala na telefon, nije bila na kućnoj adresi. Nadao sam se da je uspjela pobjeći. Sada sam saznao potresan razlog zašto nisam mogao do nje. Bila je u zatvoru! Halima danas ne izlazi iz kuće, a kad izlazi nosi burku. Posjetio sam je u njezinom današnjem domu. Živi sa svoje četvero djece, niti jedno od njih više ne ide u školu. A gdje je muž?
Dok je kao odvjetnica zastupala sve one žene koje su prolazile svoje horror priče, nije ni slutila da će se ista stvar dogoditi i njoj. Dolaskom talibana, prvi udarac joj nisu zadali oni, već njezin muž. Optužio ju je za preljub! Zbog toga se skrivala sve dok je talibani nisu ulovili i uhapsili je. Nisu, međutim, pronašli nikakve dokaze za preljub, ona ga i nije počinila. Optužba koju je servirao njezin muž bila je motivirana time što on nije mogao podnijeti njezin poslovni uspjeh, nije želio da stalno istupa u javnosti, ponašala se previše moderno za njegov ukus, htio je da bude samo kod kuće. Pobjeda talibana mu je dala vjetar u leđa.

Talibani su ispitivali nju, ispitivali su njezinu djecu, tražili su dokaze toga preljuba, a kako ih nisu pronašli, pustili su ju. Ipak, optužba je ostala visjeti u zraku i ona je društveno osramoćena. Više ne radi, njezin restoran više ne postoji, ne može niti igdje drugdje naći posao jer mi kaže da talibani "zabranjuju" ženama da rade. Zatvorena je sa svoje četvero djece u kući.

Da bi preživjela prodavala je stvari iz restorana, a kasnije i sam restoran. Pokušala je i vratiti neke novce koje je prije svega što se zbilo posudila nekim ljudima, no nije ih više mogla dobiti natrag. Ti muškarci su je pretukli! Užas.Tražila je zbog toga pomoć od talibana, no oni joj nisu pomogli. Prošla je zaista pakao! Toliko me je potresla ova priča!

Bio sam sve vrijeme boravka u Afganistanu prilično izmiješanih osjećaja oko nove vlasti, nekako sam dosta glatko prolazio, no onda me je u Haliminom domu pljusnula brutalna realnost. Postoje te tihe žrtve, žene, skrivene iza vela, bez ikakvih prava, sklonjene iza zidova kuća. Nije svugdje isto, nije svatko prošao isto. Halima je imala zlu sreću, izdao ju je vlastiti muž, a nove okolnosti su išle totalno kontra nje. Nije se mogla zaposliti, dobiti pravdu, pomaknuti u bilo koju stranu. Toliko me je to duboko pogodilo, ostao sam baš u šoku. Pomogao sam joj koliko sam mogao u tome trenutku da se snađe za prvu ruku. Beskrajno sam tužan zbog nje.

Prije dvije godine kad sam je pitao bi li otišla u slobodan svijet, rekla mi je da 'ne treba odlaziti u slobodan svijet, već da slobodu treba dovesti u Afganistan'. Sada mi kaže da želi prodati kuću i napustiti Afganistan jer ovdje za sebe više ne vidi nikakvu budućnost. Slomili su joj ideale. No, nekako želim vjerovati da nisu slomili i nju. Ukoliko želite na bilo koji način pomoći Halimi i njenoj djeci molim vas da mi se javite samo na email [email protected]

Preuzeto s FB

[Cregan]

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/20 ... -abortion/

Pa nemoj biti radikalan/radikalna.

The 10-year-old rape victim was pregnant, and asking a court to authorize an abortion.

She found herself sitting under a crucifix in the courtroom in southern Brazil, across from a judge and prosecutor who repeatedly urged her to continue the pregnancy.

Could the girl stand to be pregnant “a little while longer?” Brazilian Judge Joana Ribeiro Zimmer asked. Did she “want to name the baby?”

When those entreaties failed, the prosecutor jumped in. Would the girl consider adoption “instead of letting him die — because it is already a baby, a child — instead of letting him die in agony?”

Ribeiro Zimmer ordered the girl taken from her family — to protect the fetus, she said.

Leaked video of the hearing, published in June by the Intercept Brazil, has shaken Latin America’s largest country, which maintains tight restrictions on abortion.

The procedure is legal in Brazil only in cases of rape, incest or severe fetal abnormality. But advocates for abortion rights say the case of the 10-year-old shows how even women with a permissible reason face resistance from hospital policies, red tape and an often hostile judiciary.

“What we see in Brazil and in other countries in Latin America where abortion is criminalized, on top of the law, there are barriers created that make it harder to access care,” said Debora Diniz, an anthropologist at the University of Brasilia who studies abortion rights. “And the most vulnerable people, the most fragile, are the most impacted.”

Diniz said cases such as the child’s could foreshadow what is to come in the United States now that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade: “When there is a state of judicial insecurity, as we see now in the United States, with each state deciding its own policy, that insecurity creates a space ripe for misinformation and fear.”

How green became the color of abortion rights

The legal ambiguity around abortion spooks doctors who don’t want to risk lawsuits or prison time. Brazil’s Health Ministry issued a memo last month saying “every abortion is a crime” but that penalties may be waived in “specific cases.”

Doctors convicted of performing an illegal abortion risk up to four years in prison. Many prefer to err on the side of caution, even when it might be detrimental to the victims.

More than 17,000 children aged 10 to 14 in Brazil become pregnant each year, according to government figures. These mothers are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women over 20, and also have greater chances of suffering uterine ruptures, preeclampsia and anemia.

Cases of rape victims seeking legal abortion have become lightning rods for both sides of Brazil’s abortion debate.

In 2020, antiabortion activists, including several politicians, gathered outside a hospital in northern Brazil to protest a legal abortion for another 10-year-old. Authorities said the girl had been impregnated by her uncle, who raped her repeatedly. When her hospital in Espírito Santo state denied her an abortion, she was taken to a hospital in Recife, more than 1,000 miles away.

Antiabortion activists leaked her name and the location of the hospital. They protested there while the procedure was performed and called her doctor an assassin. The girl has since joined the witness protection program and changed her name and address.

But public opinion is changing. Polls show support for complete abortion bans is falling, and abortion rights activists are hopeful the country will join the “green wave” of legalization that has swept Mexico, Colombia and Argentina. A case waiting to be heard by Brazil’s supreme court calls for the decriminalization of abortion through 12 weeks of gestation.

In the recent case, the girl, from the southern state of Santa Catarina, discovered she was 22 weeks pregnant in May. It was 22 weeks and two days when she sought an abortion at a hospital in Florianópolis, the state capital.

Federal law guarantees rape victims a right to the procedure at any stage of the pregnancy. But Brazil’s Health Ministry recommends that all abortions be conducted before 22 weeks. The hospital, citing that guidance, refused to perform the procedure without judicial authorization.

Neither the girl nor her hometown have been publicly identified. The hearing was held in Tijucas, outside Florianópolis, in May.

Ribeiro Zimmer, the judge, asked the child if she would be willing to stay pregnant “two or three more weeks” to allow the fetus to grow. She also asked whether the girl could feel the baby’s kicks, and whether her rapist would agree to give it up for adoption.

Ribeiro Zimmer turned to the victim’s mother.

“In terms of the little baby, do you understand that if we interrupt the pregnancy, the baby is born and we have to wait for the baby to die?” she said, falsely. “Can you understand that? That it is immense cruelty? That the baby will be born and cry until he dies?”

Throughout the hearing, the girl repeated that she did not want to continue the pregnancy and deliver the baby. But she eventually agreed to Ribeiro Zimmer’s request that she wait “a few more weeks” to increase the fetus’s chances of survival outside her uterus for potential adoption.

In her ruling, the judge equated abortion to homicide and ordered the girl to a shelter to prevent “the mother from conducting any procedure that leads to the death of the baby.” She was separated from her family for more than 40 days.

After the video was published, state authorities said the girl was removed from her home while prosecutors investigated whether she was raped by a family member — not for the safety of the fetus.

While the girl waited at the shelter, the case divided Brazilians.

“The baby has SEVEN MONTHS of gestation, regardless of how he was conceived or whether or not he is protected under law,” President Jair Bolsonaro tweeted. “It is inadmissible to talk about taking away the life of this defenseless being!”

Activists for abortion rights, meanwhile, took to the streets, demanding the girl be released from the shelter and granted her abortion. Over 300,000 women signed a petition calling for the judge’s dismissal.

Brazil’s federal public prosecutor’s office ultimately ordered the hospital to perform the procedure, and on June 23, the girl, now 11, had an abortion. The office “lamented the sad occurrence” of the hearing and said it was investigating the conduct of the hospital and the judge. The supreme court asked the Health Ministry to review its recommendation on when abortions should be conducted and that states that all abortions are illegal. Ribeiro Zimmer has been promoted into another role and is no longer on the case.

Juliana Cesario Alvim, a lawyer who worked with the 10-year-old victim’s team, is hopeful of change.

“If it is possible to see something positive from this tragedy, it is the mobilization it generated,” she said. Even if this case is resolved, we understand we have to continue mobilizing, to call on the international community, to increase visibility and pressure. The fight for the legalization of abortion is here.”

Ovo meni više liči na SF distopiju, nego na stvarni život.

[Bloo]

Kako li se samo feminizam i religije mogu pomiriti? Religije i feminizam su "prirodni" neprijatelji.

To je između tebe i your personal Jesus.

[Hakiz]

Kako li se samo feminizam i religije mogu pomiriti? Religije i feminizam su "prirodni" neprijatelji.

To je između tebe i your personal Jesus.

Rekoh religije, ne vjera

[wewa]

dosla sam samo da mahnem raji i da zalijepim ovo

Peterson dođe kao virtuelna vreća za udaranje (drugim) intelektualcima.

sto bi se reklo, sama gazala

[wewa]

aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa clickbait
bas neobicno for this day and age

aha. nisam znala da je to prihvatljivo za ovaj tip medija, ja mislila to je za tabloide i smecarske portale.

slabo da danas postoji medij koji je potpuno slobodan od zutila, nazalost.

[Nierika]

Peterson dođe kao virtuelna vreća za udaranje (drugim) intelektualcima.

sto bi se reklo, sama gazala

Meni je simpatičan. Moguće da ima i stavova s kojima se ne slažem, dosta njegovih tekstova, knjiga i izjava nisam još pročitala.

[wewa]

sto bi se reklo, sama gazala

Meni je simpatičan. Moguće da ima i stavova s kojima se ne slažem, dosta njegovih tekstova, knjiga i izjava nisam još pročitala.

meni je izrazito nesimpatican

[Nierika]

meni je izrazito nesimpatican

Ja volim kad se tradicionalne vrijednosti pokušavaju interpretirati u današnjem svijetu, tako ga nekako doživljavam, možda mi je zato okej.

[n+1]

Zato i jeste sporan.

[Nierika]

Zato i jeste sporan.

Možda.
ps. jesi li ti forumaš kojeg čitam od ranije ili te čitam prvi put pod ovim nickom?

[n+1]

Zato i jeste sporan.

Možda.
ps. jesi li ti forumaš kojeg čitam od ranije ili te čitam prvi put pod ovim nickom?

Nisam siguran da razumijem pitanje?

[Nierika]

Možda.
ps. jesi li ti forumaš kojeg čitam od ranije ili te čitam prvi put pod ovim nickom?

Nisam siguran da razumijem pitanje?

Podsjećaš me na forumaša ExNihilo.