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seln wrote:
Daj, ne laprdaj....
eto, muslimani samo cekaju da zapad propadne. kako da ne... ako to vec ne rade, trebali bi poceti sada, da hrcku ne propadne teza.
Feminism is not a single monolithic and static concept. #ere are many concepts
of feminism that depend on the place, culture and language in which they arise
and !ourish. Karen O%en, in her article “De$ning Feminism” (1988, 119-157),
explained that the term “feminism” was coined a"er the French Revolution
nearly a century later by a woman writer and journalist to signify the awareness
that women were deprived of the rights the revolution declared and signal
the e%ort to gain these rights demanding the equality that was promised and
proclaimed by the revolutionists. Later, women in America and other Western
countries developed various types of feminisms in accordance with their sociopolitical
and cultural backgrounds. (Maynard 1994) However, feminism is not
exclusively Western; it belongs to all societies where women struggle against
subordination and oppression, and it primarily concerns itself with the political,
economic and social equality of the sexes, as well as the balancing of power and
liberation of the individual. More broadly, feminism also refers to all movements
and campaigns for gender sensitization of the sexes and elimination of genderbased
discriminatory practices and violence against women
The term ‘feminism’…in postcolonial Arab Muslim societies is tainted, impure and
heavily impregnated with stereotypes. Some of these stereotypes are that feminism
basically stands for enmity between men and women, as well as a call for immorality
in the form of sexual promiscuity for women…some religious personalities…have
associated feminism with colonialist strategies to undermine the indigenous social
and religious culture. (Karam 1998, 5-6)
the term “feminism” (nisa’iyya) was $rst used in Egypt at the beginning
of 20th century—with that country’s own social, political, and cultural features
and peculiarities
Hjarpe posits that Muslim feminism connotes a movement that seeks to reexamine
the teachings of Islam, and examine the Qur’an and the hadith in a new
light unencumbered by the previous patriarchal teachings and interpretations
(Hjarpe 1995, 28). It stems from the idea that God is righteous and that it would
be impossible for Him to legitimize gender inequality, especially considering
the parts of the Qur’an that speak of the equal creation of the $rst man and
woman with the same intellectual and spiritual potential. Muslim feminists
advocate re-reading of the Qur’an from a woman’s perspective with a fresh and
ongoing exegesis, particularly when dealing with those verses that seemingly
justify the subordination of a woman to a man. #ese feminists advocate a
holistic approach (Wadud 2006, Barlas 2004)—taking into account, when
interpreting these verses, the social structure, culture and tradition in the time
of the Revelation and keeping in mind the subtleties of the Arabic language.
Only this approach, they feel, can enable women to achieve emancipation in a
Muslim society. However, apart from the re-evaluated religious sources, Muslim
feminists also use other sources that do not stem from the Islamic tradition—
for example, anthropological and other scienti$c studies
Margot Badran, drawing on the Egyptian experience distinguishes two
types of feminisms: secular and Islamic feminisms: which emerged in di%erent
historical contexts and with the appearance of Islamic feminism in the 1990s
they existed side by side:
Emergent secular feminism insisted upon the implementation of gender equality in
the public sphere while acquiescing in the notion of complementarity in the private
sphere….Islamic feminists on the other hand have through their own ijtihad made
compelling arguments that the patriarchal model of the family does not conform to
the Qur’anic principles of human equality and gender justice. (2009, 3-4) For Badran Islamic feminism is not of necessity tied to an identity—religious
a&liation-but to a discursive position—non-Muslims can use Islamic feminism
and even claim to be Islamic feminists.
E raje dosla mi inspiracija, sjecam se kad je bio pismeni na temu polozaj zene i tako to iz bosanskog doso jedan i napiso polozaj zene je na krevetu, stolici i stolu ali najbolje je na stolu.
Troughout the socialist period, women were expected to take part in
social-political activism; Dević terms this the “modernist stage” of socialist
Yugoslavia (1997, 45), when women’s activists went along with the dominant
socialist ideology on the priority of public issues over private, traditional
ones, did not question male domination or seek to improve women’s position
either in the private or public domain. Feminism was very much proscribed as
“bourgeois” and therefore “reactionary,” imported from the imperialist West.
However, in the late 1970s, with the rise of political pluralism and resurgent
nationalism throughout Yugoslavia, various initiatives in the form of women’s
lobbies, women’s parliaments and independent women’s associations started to
emerge, in what Dević termed the “reactive stage.” (1997, 45) !is new stage in
the development of women’s movement went beyond the academic workshops
of “Woman and Society.”5
(Licht and Drakulić 2002, 120) Women from Sarajevo
participated in feminist conferences held in Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana,
and published academic writings, but a feminist movement did not develop in
Sarajevo as it did in those cities. (Helms 2003, 57) Later, with the approaching
1990s war and calls for ethnic homogenization, a number of women’s grassroots
initiatives started, some of them with a clear feminist, anti-nationalist, antiwar
and anti-military platform, identi"ed as the stage of “new activism,“ the
third and the last stage of socialist women’s activism in Yugoslavia. (Dević
1997, 46) A number of these mostly feminist initiatives remained active, stable
and organized throughout the war years. (Licht and Drakulić 2002, 122)
Most women in the focus groups emphasized the gender-dichotomized roles
of women and men in BiH and Kosovo societies. !roughout the discussions,
women implicated that to talk about “woman” in these two societies is also to
talk about the family structure and marriage, accenting the duties women have
within these family arrangements. Woman is always de"ned in relation to family
and a man, being a part of someone, somebody rather than an individual of
her own. Although younger women live single and economically independent,
traditional divisions of gender roles, and their de"nitions in BiH and Kosovo,
still resonate in their minds and they still de"ne themselves in relation to family
or a man. Evidently, the separation between private and public remains strongly
in place and the traditional philosophical and religious conceptions of women’s
nature continue to produce cultural values and norms in these societies (see
Chapter 1.2)
As brie%y implied in the section Being a Woman, the very concept of
feminism in the context of post-socialist societies of Kosovo and BiH is o#en
fraught with negative connotations and suggests radical feminism. !is is
mostly due to the immense proliferation of Western feminist discourses and
practices that disputed the established socialist ideologies and helped people
understand that they were oppressed. However, the socialist ideology and classconsciousness
that united women and men in opposition to the totalitarian
regime—even though, ironically, it had fostered those ideologies and that
consciousness—still linger in women’s memories, making them distrust what
they mistakenly conceive feminism to be since it seems to them freighted with all
the Western capitalist ideological and attitudinal baggage that their years under
socialism taught them to distrust, rendering “feminism” foreign and something
they don’t understand. (Chapters 1.2 and 3.1) As a non-observant woman over
35 from BiH put it, “people are afraid of what they do not know.” !is is perhaps
why it is not surprising that a lot of women who were interviewed seemed to have
a rather vague understanding, or even misunderstandings of what feminism
is. “Is it about someone more or less feminized?” asked, also a non-observant
woman under 35 from BiH, while another woman over 35 from BiH said that
feminism means that “I do not hate men, but it is all about women only.” In
both societies—as re%ected by a majority of the responses from those women
interviewed—the general view of feminism is informed by stereotypical epithets
(butch, masculine, women who dress like men), further making them reluctant
to recognize themselves as feminist even though a lot of their responses show
that they accept Western philosophical and religious conceptions of women’s
nature (Chapter 1), and that they acknowledge and applaud the achievements
of Western feminists in gender equality (i.e. the struggle for equal civil and
political rights, etc.) (Chapter 1).
A feminist is a woman who clearly states when something is not right. When you are
outspoken and say publicly what you mean, they will call you a feminist. And feminism
is a basic "ght for individual women’s rights. But, today our society is looking at this in
a very negative way. Feminism is seen as incompatible with Islam, even anti-Islamic.
The term does not connote what it was supposed to connote originally. (observant,
under 35, BiH) Observant Muslim women under 35 accept feminist ideas of gender
equality and justice, but do not accept it in public, due to controversial readings
and meanings of feminism in BiH society. Feminism is not only rejected as
incompatible with Islam, but also as anti-Islamic. !e recent attack on Gender
Studies graduates at the University of Sarajevo by the magazine Sa& (2011),
demonstrates how some radical groups use and misuse gender and feminism
to "ght against gay people and the new anti-discrimination rules on sexual
orientation. !ey called new graduates “masters in gay science” (magistri
pederizma), fomenting anti-feminist and anti-gender equality propaganda
among Muslims.
Muslim and Feminist Identities
Zilka Spahić-Šiljak
!e intersection of Muslim and feminist identities in BiH and Kosovo is part of a
larger discussion of the ethno-national and ethno-religious revival and divisions
in the post-war period, the interface of Islam and modernity, and, "nally, the
role of religion in secular society. !is chapter displays the dilemmas Muslim
women in BiH and Kosovo encounter about their ethnic/national and religious
identities and feminist identities in the public realm. !e focus groups in both
countries shed light on the diverse trajectories and “the multiple positioning”
of women, especially that which “constitutes everyday life and power relations
central to it.” (Davis 2008, 70) Interaction and interplay between religion,
ethnicity and gender as important parts of the BiH and Kosovo identity mosaic
a&ect “the multiple positioning” of women in these societies.
One of the "rst challenges was understanding and de"ning Muslim
identities in BiH and Kosovo. !e socio-political and historical dynamic in
regard to religion is di&erent in these two countries. (Chapter 3.3) First, we will
brie%y examine some scholarly ideas about Islam in BiH. !e BiH paradigm
of European Islam, which includes great diversity of belief and practices that
peacefully co-exist, is best seen in two views: of Islam as “an individual faith”
(Fikret Karčić), and of Islam as “a common culture, and civilization” (Enes
Karić). !ese categorizations most accurately re%ect Islam in BiH today.
Islam as a “common culture’’ is an umbrella whose shadow embraces di&erent
perceptions, understandings and practices of Islam in BiH:
It is very important that Bosnian Muslims have for long accepted the principle of
Islam being practiced and expressed within a secular society and a secular state. In
today’s European context, this principle helps Bosnian Muslims since it assures them
an expression of Islam without any ideological diktat and without any political and
ideological "at on what the “true Islam” is. Islam in Bosnia is the common treasure of
all Bosniacs, this precious treasure from which they have drawn for centuries their
multiple religious, cultural, artistic, literary, urban, architectural inspirations. According
to this conception. . . Islam cannot become anybody’s property or monopoly, nor can
it become the object of pragmatic adaptations to the political imperatives of the day.
(Karić quoted in Bougarel 1997)
Compared with BiH Muslims, who have not demonstrated signi"cant
tendencies towards nationalism, Kosovars can be considered a “common
nation” because they are more united around their national identity than around
religion. (Chapter 3.3)
I had a religious education and am a believer, having been raised in the spirit of the
religion. The core of my personal identity, though I am not pietistic, and the bulk of
what I know about cultural and religious identities, is Islam. (non-observant, under
35, BiH)
When I’ve been asked about my identity I say I am Muslim and believe in God, but I
don’t think of myself as applying any element of Islam to my daily life. (non-observant,
over 35, BiH)
I believe in God, but do not know anything about religious practice and I consider
myself a Muslim. (non-observant, under 35, Kosovo)
Although there are di&erences in the extent to which ethnic/national
identity is embraced in BiH and Kosovo, the attitudes of women towards
religion in these two countries are very similar. !e above statements reveal the
complexity of Muslim identity in post-socialist BiH and Kosovo.
Tensions between non-observant and observant Muslims were intensi"ed
after 1989, when religion re-emerged in the public realm, contesting and opposing
the secular state. Scholars draw attention to the “oppositional construction of
religion and the secular” and lack of “mutually interacting transformation” (Cady
and Hurd 2010, 5) that in the Balkans are even more complex and challenging.
Religion was used as a political tool to create pressure for the homogenization
of ethno-national groups in BiH, and, today, “the coalescence of ethnic and
religious identi"cation returned with such a vengeance that it is mandatory to
use the single word ‘ethnoreligious’.” (Mojzes 1994). Religization of politics and
politization of religion (Vrcan 1999) nurtured an unhealthy and unproductive
relationship between religion and politics, fostering criticisms, uneasiness
and misunderstandings by both non-observant and observant Muslims in the
secular BiH state.
Most Muslim women
in BiH and Kosovo live as secularized Muslims, keeping religion as a part of
their family tradition but not observing fard (obligatory duties). Most observant
women, however, want recognition of their religiosity in the public domain.
In that way—as Göle explained the position of second-generation immigrant
Muslim women who embraced the veil and hijab in Europe:
…the veiled klix do not resemble the women of the "rst generation of immigrants.
Contrary to the later, as feminine actors and Islamists, they situate themselves in a
double logic, enjoy a double capital…at once religious and also secular and scienti"c.
(2011, 136)
Religious education appeared to be an important question for some
young women who had not been raised with that education. Many families did
not teach their children religion during the socialist period, and today those
“children” are emotionally and culturally attached to some rituals, but do not
practice them. !ey were raised in the humanistic spirit: to be “decent” people,
but in a non-religious sense. (Kolind 2008, 135)
Although the discussion about Muslim identity started with emphasis on
humanistic values and common culture for all Muslims, some non-observant
and observant women later mentioned that a Muslim ought to meet basic criteria
of Islam, such as obeying the "ve pillars: believing in God and that Muhammad
is His messenger (shahadah); o&ering "ve daily prayers (salah); fasting during
Ramadan (sawm); paying taxes (zakah); and making a pilgrimage to Mecca
(hajj). !ese basics of Islam are sometimes referred to fard). Some observant
women added wearing hijab as an obligation if a Muslim woman was to be
a “true” believer. However, many of the non-observant and of the observant
women who do not wear hijab do not consider doing so essential to their faith
in God.
I describe a Muslim woman as a woman that wears a hijab, prays, doesn’t drink alcohol,
fasts during Ramadan and does many other things. I haven’t read much but I know
that these are the basic teaching of Islam. [Yet] we all drink alcohol, we don’t pray, and
still consider ourselves Muslim. (non-observant, under 35, Kosovo)
Many Muslims today do not pray and [do] drink alcohol, but still declare religious
identity. They stop drinking during Ramadan time, but for Bayram (Eid) many start
drinking again. (non-observant, under 35, BiH)
Religion appeared to be one of the most important elements of identity
and determinants of acceptability or unacceptability in BiH and Kosovo a#er
1989, and women were a&ected the most by it, especially the ones who accepted
visible markers of their faith (hijab) and, as a result, were rejected as equal
partners in those secular multicultural socio-political societies. !ose women
are triply oppressed: by the Western perception of Muslim women who adopt
the hijab and, on the other hand, the bans on it in some European countries; by
secular Muslims who do not want to be associated with radical Islam, with its
overtones of terrorism and backwardness; and by the insu$cient strength and
con"dence too o#en characteristic of hijabi women. Self-discrimination is also
an important obstacle for many hijabi women, as con"rmed by recent research
on women and hijab in BiH (Šeta 2011, 145-146), which showed that many of
these women had passive attitudes towards public engagement.
Muslim women in BiH also reported di$culties, especially if they live
in Republika Srpska, where Serbian Orthodoxy is the dominant religion, or in
parts of the Federation of BiH, with its Catholic majority. !ey usually say that
it is easy to be a Muslim in Sarajevo, particularly in the Old City, with a Muslim
majority and many hijabi women in the streets, while in other parts of BiH,
especially where Muslims are the minority, hijabi women feel uncomfortable
and unsecure. Revivalism of religion opened the debate both in BiH and Kosovo
on the acceptability of religious symbols, in particular dress as an important
symbol communicating attitudes toward religion and modernity
. When
contemplating modernity, hijab—as the most controversial symbol of religion
in public—provokes reactions both by opponents and proponents. Similar
reactions, whether secular or religious, could be seen in regard to feminisms.
Anxiety and judgments should be replaced by intercultural dialogue among all
who are interested in power relations in both the private and public spheres of life.
Most participants emphasized the importance of their activism, especially those
in BiH, who did not say much in their stories about private and family life as
did the women in Kosovo.
Zia (observant, over 35, BiH), for instance, did not
speci!cally describe her organization and activities, but throughout her story it
could be seen that she is very active in work with women. For example, when she
mentioned visits to villages where women asked her about feminism, she told
them that “feminism means to have a life without oppression and limitations,
and life with freedom of choice.” Actually, her entire story was one of identities
and activism. In her case, the intersection of the activist, Muslim and feminist
identity was especially powerful because she positions herself always as a
Muslim, feminist and activist:
I am an activist, because activism helped me to discover that I like being Muslim. If I
had not understood that, I would never be able to explain why I like being Muslim,
but would have to imply it as others do…Feminism helped me clearly de"ne what
are my expectations from the Muslim and activist part of my identity. (observant, over
35, BiH)
Zia is one of the rare observant women who clearly states her feminist
identity and gives special credit to it and activism for helping her understand
and re-shape her religious identity.
Which Feminism?
Today, both BiH and Kosovo have gender equality laws, state mechanisms to
address gender issues, and action plans for implementation of gender state
policies. (Chapter 3) On one hand, the state ensures de jure equality with
international human rights norms and universal approaches to human rights;
on the other hand, implementation is weak due to the structural patriarchy that
does not include women as active agents of change and does not allow women
to be in positions of power. Some scholars rightfully ask how equality is to be
achieved when men built societal institutions in order to further their own
interests. (Babić-Avdispahić 2004, 218) Women face only unappealing choices:
they either conform to the male norm or take refuge in gender neutrality or insist
on equality which, if blindly enforced, ends a&rmative action and again puts
women in a less favorable position. $is is why feminists belonging to di%erent
branches of feminism argue about what approach to take in establishing equality
of men and women
...Yhe rejection by most participants of a public feminist identity, and their
uneasiness about it, does not mean that they are not, in fact, feminists. Ada
(observant, over 35, BiH) is a good example because she is an activist and even
interprets some Islamic traditions in favor of gender equality based on merit,
not biology. Feminism for her is a temporary construct that has grown from the
need to address discrimination against women.
conclusion:
Feminism and Islam - Most participants speci$cally accepted their
feminist identity in the course of the focus groups, but said that they
are reluctant to declare it in public because of negative images and
perceptions of feminism and ignorance about Islamic or Muslim
feminism.
So Muslim feminists face a double social stigma: they cannot expect
understanding in the secular environment for their religious identity if they
wear hijab, and as feminists they are not accepted in either religious or secular
life.
izvor:
Contesting Female, Feminist and Muslim Identities - Post-Socialist Contexts
of BiH and Kosovo , edited by Zilha Spahic-Silja, Sarajevo , 2012
!is book is the result of a two-year-long research project,
“Feminisms in post-socialist Muslim contexts in BiH and
Kosovo,“ which was conducted by the Center for Interdisciplinary
Postgraduate Studies (CIPS), University of Sarajevo. !e project
was supported by the Regional Research Promotion Programme
(RRPP), Switzerland. It encompassed four phases: preparation
and analysis of materials for the theoretical portion of the book;
focus groups in BiH and Kosovo; life story interviews in BiH
and Kosovo; and analysis of data from that "eldwork, followed
by design of the last few chapters of the book, which were based
on that analysis.
!e leader of the project was Zilka Spahić-Šiljak on behalf
of CIPS; her associates were Ardiana Gashi of Fema University
in Pristina and Lejla Somun-Krupalija, independent researcher
from Sarajevo. !ey conducted most of the "eldwork and the
partial preliminary analysis (biographical and linguistic) of the
life story interviews, with "nal analysis made by Nejra Čengić,
Lamija Kosović and Zilka Spahić-Šiljak.
zilka je prije rata pjevala ilahije; ima(la) (je) prelijep glas. svojevremeno sam bio na promociji njenog prijevoda "zaboravljene vladarice u svijetu islama", gdje je karic bio jedan od recenzenata. opcenito ima jednu divnu pojavu, ali kako je to vec usud svih liberalnih muslimana (ne mislim na klasicnu vanillu), ima onaj nuzni element pomalo neukusne apologije povodom nekih pitanja, narocito u odnosu islam-zena
harač wrote:zilka je prije rata pjevala ilahije; ima(la) (je) prelijep glas. svojevremeno sam bio na promociji njenog prijevoda "zaboravljene vladarice u svijetu islama", gdje je karic bio jedan od recenzenata. opcenito ima jednu divnu pojavu, ali kako je to vec usud svih liberalnih muslimana (ne mislim na klasicnu vanillu), ima onaj nuzni element pomalo neukusne apologije povodom nekih pitanja, narocito u odnosu islam-zena
Premrlo krto joj tijelo
u feredžu,
u kabur tijesan, slijep, zagušljiv
staviše.
Ko ranjeniku,
glavu joj bijelim tulbentom
zaviše.
Ko s ovim svijetom,
s rodnom se kućom i plahim Šumećem
u Šumecu suza, majci na prsima,
rastajala.
Ko mejita,
obeznanjenu je u fijaker unesoše,
i dva je ata,
ko na onaj svijet,
zanesenu ponesoše
i ko kadifu bijelu i kap rose sabahske
mom je ocu
donesoše.
dokaz da ne treba preskakati terapiju
treba je dovuć vamo da nam kaže koju o položaju žene u islamu 
